Morpheme-Specific Phonology: Constraint Indexation and Inconsistency Resolution
Morpheme-Specific Phonology: Constraint Indexation and Inconsistency Resolution
复制标题
语素特定音系：约束索引和不一致解决
作者：
Joe Pater
本文从词汇标记性和忠实性约束的角度，用最优化理论(OT)对特殊语素音系的例外和其他实例进行了分析。这种方法被证明能够捕获局部性限制、异常模式和真正不可能的模式之间的区别、阻塞和触发之间的区别以及变异和例外之间的区别。它与其他对例外的OT分析形成对比，特别是那些不允许词汇索引标记性约束的例外分析，以及那些调用词汇指定排名的例外分析(即，谐音)。讨论的数据来自阿萨姆语、芬兰语和Yine(前身为Piro)。还提供了词汇索引约束起源的可学习性解释，其中索引被用来解决Tesar和Smolensky(1998,2000)的递归约束降级算法检测到的不一致性。
This paper argues that exceptions and other instances of morpheme-specific phonology are best analyzed in Optimality Theory (OT) in terms of lexically indexed markedness and faithfulness constraints. This approach is shown to capture locality restrictions, distinctions between exceptional and truly impossible patterns, distinctions between blocking and triggering, and distinctions between variation and exceptionality. It is contrasted with other OT analyses of exceptions, in particular those that disallow lexically indexed markedness constraints and those that invoke lexically specified rankings (that is, cophonologies). The data discussed are from Assamese, Finnish and Yine (formerly Piro). A learnability account of the genesis of lexically indexed constraints is also provided, in which indexation is used to resolve inconsistency detected by Tesar and Smolensky's (1998, 2000) Recursive Constraint Demotion algorithm.