New Orleans Music as a Circulatory System
New Orleans Music as a Circulatory System
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新奥尔良音乐作为循环系统
DOI：
10.5406/blacmusiresej.31.2.0291
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发表时间：
2011
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Matt Sakakeeny
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Matt Sakakeeny
这篇文章提供了一个大致按时间顺序的历史，在新奥尔良的一个单一的音乐传统，铜管乐队游行，作为一个案例研究，支持一个更广泛的命题。这个命题的前半部分是新奥尔良所特有的：我注意到，这座城市在很大程度上已经与非裔美国人的音乐实践和曲目相一致，而且，音乐之间的联系，种族，和地方可以充分地归入新奥尔良音乐的范畴。虽然新奥尔良音乐包括一个相互关联的风格-铜管乐队，爵士乐，蓝调，节奏蓝调，灵魂和放克，最流行的名字-他们是通过与种族联系在一起（African American），place（新奥尔良）和功能（社交舞）达到这样一种程度，即使是一场后果不可估量的灾难，这不成比例地影响了那个种族，使他们离开了那个地方，但并没有威胁到它的凝聚力。关于新奥尔良音乐的整体属性的共识是如此普遍，以至于命名它们似乎是多余的。这个命题的后半部分提出了一个更全面的问题：具体的音乐形式和实践是通过什么过程与特定的人和地方联系在一起的？本文探讨话语和媒体的作用-包括目击者的叙述，历史和音乐学研究，音乐家的自传，虚构的作品，媒体报道，图像，电影和录音-在巩固人，地方和音乐传统之间的联系。新奥尔良音乐与非裔美国人音乐大致同义，但这种联系绝非永恒，部分原因是自20世纪30年代以来的爵士乐历史写作。《爵士人》（Jazzmen，1939）一书中最响亮的说法是，爵士乐“只是[在新奥尔良]开始，而不是在其他地方”（Ramsey and Smith，1939，5），这一说法改变了新奥尔良作为一个音乐城市的特征，不仅改变了对爵士乐起源的理解，也改变了对新奥尔良音乐整体构成的理解。在被提名为爵士乐的发源地之前，新奥尔良的音乐声誉是基于众多的产品，包括交际舞和法国歌剧，街头叫卖者和风琴研磨机（Kmen 1966）。带领游行和葬礼的军乐队代表了许多民族和种族，但随着爵士乐在二十世纪的头几十年出现，非洲裔美国人，混血克里奥尔人和欧洲裔美国人将铜管乐队重新配置为黑人音乐合奏，在后来被称为爵士葬礼的葬礼队伍和被称为二线的社区游行中表演切分音和即兴舞曲（Schafer 1977;白色2001）。这些游行蜿蜒穿过一个非常异质的城市中心，由一组多样化的音乐家领导，体现了城市复杂的互动历史，但在爵士乐和新奥尔良音乐的叙述中，他们往往被狭隘地描述为一种严格的非裔美国人现象。更确切地说，爵士乐葬礼和二线游行被重新想象成一个渠道，将爵士乐与刚果广场上著名的奴隶舞蹈联系起来，并暗示着与非洲联系起来。一个代表性的例子可以从电视纪录片爵士乐游行：脚不要让我失望（1990年）由民俗学家艾伦·洛马克斯在他职业生涯的末期执导。在开幕式中，我们看到了一个社区游行称为二线游行，与非洲裔美国人跳舞通过街道，而肮脏的十二铜管乐队发挥他们的原创歌曲“我的脚不能让我失望了。““这不是混乱，”洛马克斯叙述道。“这是非洲的黑人传统。“在一个引人注目的场景中，新奥尔良黑人的镜头与西非仪式和民间舞蹈的各种档案片段交织在一起。当洛马克斯讨论音乐和身体运动之间的亲密关系，并指出具体的舞步之间的相似之处时，他说了任何细心的观众都无法逃脱的观察：“在表面之下，非洲传统的浪潮很深。…
This essay provides a roughly chronological history of a single musical tradition in New Orleans, the brass band parade, as a case study that supports a more expansive proposition. The first half of this proposition is specific to New Orleans: I note that the city has become largely identified with African American musical practices and repertoires and, further, that the associations between music, race, and place can be adequately subsumed under the categorical term New Orleans Music. While New Orleans Music includes an amorphous collection of interrelated styles--brass band, jazz, blues, rhythm & blues, soul, and funk, to name the most prevalent--they are bound together through an association with race (African American), place (New Orleans), and functionality (social dance) to such a degree that even a disaster of immeasurable consequences, which disproportionately affected that race and dislocated them from that place, has not threatened its cohesiveness. The consensus about the overall attributes of New Orleans Music is so pervasive that naming them as such seems redundant. The second half of the proposition raises a more sweeping question: By what processes do specific musical forms and practices become linked to particular people and places? This essay pursues the role of discourse and media--including eyewitness accounts, historical and musicological studies, musicians' autobiographies, fictional writings, media reports, images, films, and sound recordings--in solidifying the connections between people, places, and musical traditions. New Orleans Music is broadly synonymous with African American music, but this affiliation is by no means timeless and was facilitated, in part, by the writing of jazz history since the 1930s. The claim made most resoundingly in the book Jazzmen (1939) that jazz began "just [in New Orleans], not somewhere else" (Ramsey and Smith 1939, 5) changed the characterization of New Orleans as a musical city, altering understandings not only of where jazz came from but what constitutes the entirety of New Orleans Music. Prior to being nominated the birthplace of jazz, New Orleans's musical reputation was based on a multitude of offerings, including ballroom dance and French opera, street criers and organ grinders (Kmen 1966). The marching bands that led parades and funerals with music represented numerous ethnicities and races, but as jazz emerged in the first decades of the twentieth century, African Americans, mixed-race Creoles, and European Americans reconfigured the brass band as a black music ensemble, performing syncopated and improvised dance music in burial processions that came to be called jazz funerals and in community parades known as second lines (Schafer 1977; White 2001). These parades wound through an extraordinarily heterogeneous urban center, led by a diverse set of musicians that embodied the city's complex history of interaction, but in narratives of jazz and New Orleans Music they are often narrowly presented as a strictly African American phenomenon. More precisely, jazz funerals and second line parades have been reimagined as a conduit that links jazz back to the celebrated slave dances at Congo Square and, by implication, to Africa. A representative example can be drawn from the television documentary Jazz Parades: Feet Don't Fail Me Now (1990) directed by folklorist Alan Lomax near the end of his career. In the opening sequence, we are shown a community procession called a second line parade, with African Americans dancing through the streets while the Dirty Dozen Brass Band plays their original song "My Feet Can't Fail Me Now." "This isn't chaos," Lomax narrates. "It's black tradition right out of Africa." In an arresting scene, footage of black New Orleanians is intercut with various archival clips of ritual and folkloric dancing in West Africa. As Lomax discusses the intimate relation between music and bodily movement and points out similarities between specific dance steps, he states what cannot have escaped the observation of any attentive viewer: "Below the surface runs the deep tide of African tradition. …