Transgender without Organs?: Mobilizing a Geo-Affective Theory of Gender Modification

Transgender without Organs?: Mobilizing a Geo-Affective Theory of Gender Modification
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没有器官的跨性别者?:运用性别改造的地缘情感理论

DOI:
10.1353/wsq.0.0092
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发表时间:
2008
期刊:
WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
L. Crawford
L. Crawford
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--
文献类型:
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作者:
L. Crawford

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1977年,新斯科舍省的哈利法克斯。我的父母将在他们的家乡哈利法克斯工作,直到他们攒够钱搬到乡下:不是田园诗般的退休、休闲或古雅的新田园乡村,而是一个宁静、庄稼和道德高地的地方(至少据报道),使这个国家成为抚养孩子的好地方。但就在刚才,我母亲在哈利法克斯医院的急诊室工作,最近刚和我父亲结婚,还记得高中时暗恋过比利康威。比利几乎每两周来一次门诊,当他要求同情但疏远的医生变性时,他接受了一天的精神治疗。有一天,比利带着他被切断的阴茎裹在一张面巾纸里来到这里,在再次被释放之前,他在精神病院呆了一段时间;然后他立即在城市北端的寄宿房间里上吊自杀。不久之后,当比利的前医生计划嫁给一个前修女(女同性恋?)他知道,一个自称是医生情人的男人在自杀未遂后来到急诊室。医生以同性恋的身份出柜,但一年后死于一种当时深不可测的病毒。医务室于1998年关闭,2005年被拆除,此前交通和公共工程部长罗恩拉塞尔谴责该建筑“不安全,无法使用”。“当橄榄球男孩般的角色莫伊拉在Showtime著名的节目《L字》第三季中首次亮相时,我们中的许多工人阶级、农村人或男同性恋者终于解开了我们拳击手的集体结。莫伊拉从斯科基到洛杉矶的即兴举动恰逢她的变性觉醒,然而,她/他在随后的剧集中转变为“马克斯”。从伊利诺伊州搬迁到加州,莫伊拉不仅从字面上,而且象征性地在不同的国家:思想,身份,和欲望。奇怪的城市朝圣是一个远远没有创新的主题,即使在理论上是调和的地方在奇怪的生活中的作用,农村的作用被认为是无关紧要的。例如,Jay Prosser(1998)声称,手术前后的变性叙述掩盖了作者对从未存在过的身体家园的怀旧之情,这种感觉不仅增强了我们归属于家园的力量,而且在我们的身体上留下了回家的单程旅程。由于这一模式将性别修改配置为一种安全的回归,而不是对具身自我的冒险利用或实验,Prosser在他在非操作性性别变体作家的叙述中发现的“跨性别矛盾心理”(177)中找到了解脱。他认为,他们对地方的矛盾心理反映并产生了他们对性别改造实践的非目的论取向。对于这两种跨性别生活,情感的风格是体现的构成技术;一个人如何在情感上被感动,并说明了一个人的性别和一个人的家庭的流动性。然而,即使在普罗瑟分析的跨性别文本中,读者也会遇到从乡村到城市的线性单程旅行,充其量也就是一两次回到主人公家乡的短途旅行。作为《拉字至上》的先驱(尽管有趣得多),莱斯利·范伯格在《石头布奇布鲁斯》中扮演的角色杰斯从“沙漠”(15)搬到了布法罗,最终来到了纽约市,而她的另一部小说《变装王之梦》的主角也在这个城市中心度过了她的日子。对布兰登·蒂娜生活的许多描述(尤其是在《男孩别哭》中)与对城市酷儿自由的描述相结合,将布兰登的谋杀归因于倒退的、据称是乡村的态度,而这种态度很少被想象成城市社区的特征。对酷儿的哲学和政治描述常常证实了这些对城市的评价。凯丝·韦斯顿描述并谴责了“同性恋大迁徙”(1995,第253页),而道格拉斯·维克托·詹诺夫在《粉红色的血:加拿大的同性恋暴力》中建议“较小的社区”。…
1977, Halifax, Nova Scotia. My parents will work in their hometown, Halifax, until they save enough money to move to the country: not the neopastoral country of idyllic retirement, leisure, or quaintness, hut rather a place of quietude, crops, and the moral high ground that (at least reportedly) makes the country such a good place to raise kids. But just now, my mother works in the emergency room of the Halifax Infirmary, has recently married my father, and remembers having had a crush on Billy Conway in high school. Billy comes by Outpatients almost biweekly, and receives a day of psychiatric treatment when he asks the sympathetic but distant doctor for a sex change. One day, Billy arrives with his severed penis wrapped in a Kleenex, is made to dwell slightly longer in the psych ward before once again being released; he then promptly hangs himself in his boarding room in the city's North End. Soon after, when Billy's former doctor plans to marry an ex-nun (dyke?) he knows, a man who claims to be the doctor's lover arrives in the emergency room after his own suicide attempt. The doctor comes out as gay, but dies a year later of a then unfathomable virus. The infirmary closed in 1998 and was demolished in 2005, after Ron Russell, the minister of transportation and public works, condemned the building as "unsafe and unusable." When the ruggedly boyish character Moira debuted in season three of Showtime's (in)famous program The L Word, many of us working-class, rural, or butch dykes finally undid the collective knot in our boxers. Moira's impromptu move from Skokie to Los Angeles coincided with hir transsexual awakening, however, and s/he transitions to become "Max" in subsequent episodes. Relocating from Illinois to California puts Moira not only literally but also figuratively in different states: of mind, of identity, and of desire. The queer pilgrimage to the city is a far from innovative motif, and even in theories that are attuned to the role of place in queer life, the role of the rural is presumed to be inconsequential. For instance, Jay Prosser (1998) claims that narratives of pre- and post-operative transsexuality belie their authors' nostalgia for bodily homes that never existed, a style of feeling that not only shores up the power we attribute to hominess but also traces on our bodies a one-way journey home. As this model configures gender modification as a safe return rather than a risky exploit or experiment in embodied selfhood, Prosser finds relief in the "transgender ambivalence" (177) he finds in the narratives of non-operative gender-variant writers. Their ambivalence towards place, he argues, reflects and generates their nonteleological orientation to practices of gender modification. For both varieties of trans life, styles of affect are constitutive technologies of embodiment; how one is moved emotionally informs and illustrates the mobility of one's gender and one's home. Even in the transgender texts Prosser analyzes, however, the reader encounters linear and one-way trips from the country to the city supplemented, at best, with a short trip or two back to the protagonist's hometown. As an (albeit far more interesting) forerunner to The L Word's Max, Leslie Feinberg's character Jess in Stone Butch Blues moves from "the desert" (15) to Buffalo and eventually to New York City, while the protagonist of her other novel, Drag King Dreams, lives out her days in this same urban center. The many representations of Brandon Teena's life (especially in Boys Don't Cry) work in tandem with such representations of urban queer freedom, attributing Brandon's murder to regressive, purportedly rural, attitudes that are seldom imagined as characteristics of urban communities. Philosophical and political accounts of queerness all too often corroborate these valorizations of the urban; Kath Weston describes and decries the "Great Gay Migration" to the city (1995, 253), while Douglas Victor Janoff suggests in Pink Blood: Homophobic Violence in Canada that "smaller communities. …