Kin in Daily Routines: Time Use and Childrearing in Rural South Africa.
Kin in Daily Routines: Time Use and Childrearing in Rural South Africa.
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DOI：
10.3138/jcfs.44.2.175
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发表时间：
2013-03
影响因子：
1.7
通讯作者：
Sangeetha Madhavan;Mark Gross
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Sangeetha Madhavan;Mark Gross
长期以来，人们一直认为，儿童养育模式的功能取决于文化规范和背景需求（Levine，1974; Harkness «fe Super，1983; Ogbu，1979）。任何模型的一个关键组成部分是时间使用。许多关于时间使用和养育子女的研究都集中在美国背景下的亲生父母身上（比安奇和罗宾逊，1997;比安奇，罗宾逊，和米尔基，2006;霍夫思，2006）。然而，最近关于时间使用的学术研究缺乏，这种研究将非洲背景下的远亲纳入其中。在非洲工作的学者们已经很好地确立了远亲在养育子女中的作用（考德威尔，1987; Fapohunda，1988; Goody，1982）。然而，我们对参与日常育儿的不同成员实际上是如何使用时间的知之甚少（休利特（Hewlett，1991）对阿卡人父亲时间投资的研究是一个值得注意的例外）。在本文中，我们解决这个差距，研究幼儿和父母之间的相互作用，扩大亲属和非亲属在南非农村黑人社区，黑人家庭正在应对和抵制的社会和经济转型，目前正在进行的种族隔离的后果。使用民族志研究的观察数据，我们研究了1）儿童护理网络的组成; 2）护理网络成员投入的时间的数量和质量; 3）时间使用与儿童行为和卫生之间的关系。我们的研究结果支持一个“社会分布”模式的育儿，运作的背景下，标志着独特的形式的现代性和持久的传统normals. EQUEUNDTime使用和模式的儿童rearingTime投资在儿童的规范的影响，谁应该做什么，多久。在大多数西方语境中，对亲生父母的关注在很大程度上是由亲生父母的首要地位的假设驱动的。从进化论的角度来看，这可能是合理的，即亲生父母有最大的动机在孩子身上投入时间（考克斯，2008）。从人口角度来看，世界许多地方生育率下降的部分原因是儿童数量和质量之间的权衡，而时间是一种关键资源（Becker和刘易斯，1973年）。随着家庭规模的缩小，父母实际上增加了对孩子的时间投资（Gauthier等人，2003年）。尽管大多数研究美国时间使用的社会学家既不是生物决定论者，也不是人口决定论者，但他们仍然使用核心家庭作为研究时间使用模式的规范模型。因此，这并不奇怪，所有现存的文献仅限于分析时间使用在子女抚养的亲生母亲和父亲。这也解释了为什么这么多的文献一直局限于研究妇女的劳动力参与和家庭结构的变化的影响，只有父母的时间使用（比安奇，2000年;比安奇和罗宾逊，1997年;霍夫和桑德伯格，2001年）。有趣的是，无论是种族还是阶级似乎在这些发现中发挥了突出的作用（即使它们被包括在模型中作为对照）。人种学研究，另一方面，提出了一个不同的图片突出的阶级和种族的差异，在模式的儿童抚养。在她关于不平等和育儿的经典著作中，Lareau（2002）区分了中产阶级父母（包括黑人和白色）所遵循的“协调育儿”模式和工人阶级和贫困家庭更具有特征的“自然增长”模式。“自然成长”模式的一个突出特点是，在儿童的日常生活中存在亲属关系。亲属在家庭生活中的关键作用，特别是在贫穷的黑人社区，是斯塔克和伯顿的“亲属工作”概念的基础（1993年）。“亲属工作”是指亲属之间分配抚养子女的时间，以保持亲属群体在整个生命过程中发挥作用。…
INTRODUCTIONIt has long been established that models of child rearing function according to cultural norms and contextual needs (Levine, 1974; Harkness «fe Super, 1983; Ogbu, 1979). A critical component of any model is time use. Many studies on time use and childrearing have focused on biological parents in the US context (Bianchi & Robinson, 1997; Bianchi, Robinson, & Milkie, 2006; Hofferth, 2006). There is, however, a dearth in recent scholarship on time use that has incorporated extended kin in the African context. The role of extended kin in child rearing has been well established by scholars working inAfrica (Caldwell «fe Caldwell, 1987; Fapohunda, 1988; Goody, 1982). Yet we know very little about how time is actually used by the various members who partake in some aspect of routine child rearing (Hewlett's (1991) study of paternal time investment among the Aka is one notable exception). In this paper, we address this gap by examining the interaction between young children and parents, extended kin and non-kin in a rural Black community in South Africa where Black families are responding to and resisting the social and economic transformation that is currently under way in the aftermath of apartheid. Using observational data from an ethnographic study, we examine 1) the composition of children's care networks; 2) the quantity and quality of time invested by members of the care network; and 3) the relationship between time use and children's behavior and hygiene. Our findings lend support to a "socially distributed" model of childrearing that operates in a context marked by distinctive forms of modernity and enduring traditional norms.BACKGROUNDTime Use and Models of Child RearingTime investment in children is influenced by norms about who should be doing what and for how long. The focus on biological parents in most western contexts is, to a large extent, driven by assumptions about the primacy of biological parenting. This could be justified by an evolutionary perspective that posits that biological parents have the greatest incentive to invest time in their children (Cox, 2008). From a demographic perspective, fertility decline in much of the world has been partly driven by a quantity-quality trade-off in children with time being a critical resource (Becker and Lewis, 1973). With smaller family size, parents have actually increased their time investment in their children (Gauthier et al., 2003). Even though most sociologists who have examined time use in the U.S. are neither biological nor demographic determinists, they, nonetheless, use a nuclear family as the normative model for examining time use patterns. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that all of the extant literature is limited to analysis of time use in child rearing by biological mothers and fathers. It also explains why so much of this literature has been limited to examining the effects of women's labor force participation and changes in family structure on only parental time use (Bianchi, 2000; Bianchi andRobinson, 1997; Hofferth and Sandberg, 2001). Interestingly, neither race nor class appears to play a prominent role in these findings (even though they are included as controls in models).Ethnographic studies, on the other hand, present a different picture highlighting both class and race differences in models of childrearing. In her classic work on inequality and childrearing Lareau (2002) makes a distinction between a model of "concerted childrearing" that is followed by middle class parents, both Black and White, and a model of "natural growth" which is more characteristic of working class and poor families. A prominent feature of the "natural growth" model is the presence of extended kin in the daily lives of children. The critical role of kin in family life, particularly in poor Black communities, is the basis of Stack and Burton's concept of "kin work" (1993). "Kin work" refers to the distribution of time amongst kin for child rearing in order to keep the kin group functioning over the life course. …