A minimalist analysis of syntactic islands
A minimalist analysis of syntactic islands
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句法岛的极简分析
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发表时间：
2002
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通讯作者：
Joachim Sabel
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作者：
Joachim Sabel
在最简方案中对岛屿效应的解释提出了一个挑战，因为假设最小链接条件（MLC）作为运动的唯一局部性约束，就像在最简方案中所做的那样（乔姆斯基1995：第4章和随后的工作），未能解释运动的基本性质。首先，它没有提供一个解释的wh-提取从wh-岛，传统上解释的ECP和局部概念的邻接，后者被参数化的方式，它适用于世界上的语言的不对称。此外，由于MLC，对其他类型的岛现象的解释，所谓的CED效应（条件提取域）（黄1982），是丢失。在这篇文章中，我将认为，一个帐户的岛屿效应，可以给出兼容的MLC。如果我们假设C 0可以投射多个说明符，那么我们可以解释关于wh岛现象的跨语言变异，并且关于CED岛效应的跨语言变异是结构构建操作Merge与θ理论限制相结合的结果。
An account of island effects within the Minimalist Program presents a challenge, since assuming the Minimal Link Condition (MLC) as the only locality constraint on movement, as is done in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995: Chapter 4 and subsquent work), fails to account for fundamental properties of movement. Firstly, it does not offer an explanation for asymmetries in wh-extraction from wh-islands which were traditionally explained by the ECP and the locality concept of Subjacency, the latter being parameterized in the way it applies in the languages of the world. Additionally, given the MLC, an explanation for the other types of island phenomena, the so-called CED effects (Condition on Extraction Domains) (Huang 1982), is lost. In this article, I will argue that an account of island effects can be given that is compatible with the MLC. It will be shown that cross-linguistic variation with respect to wh-island phenomena can be explained if we assume that C 0 may project multiple specifiers, and that the cross-linguistic variation with respect to CED-island effects is a consequence of the structure-building operation Merge in combination with θ-theoretic restrictions.