Research and Politics.
Research and Politics.
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研究和政治。
DOI:
10.1080/00963402.1949.11457067
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发表时间:
1949
期刊:
影响因子:
56.9
通讯作者:
R. Goldschmidt
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
R. Goldschmidt
R ESEARCH, AT LEAST IN THE SCIENCES, proceeded in the 19th century more or less apart from the nation's life. If the laboratories were not exactly ivory towers, they were at least sheltered oases, far from the noise of the market place. In the European nations scientists particularly were considered a pleasant and honored asset to the community, were respected, sometimes a little ridi-culed, but generally left alone. Their discoveries were accepted, sometimes admired, and, if of practical importance, taken over andused by the applied sciences. Nobody asked a scientist why he attacked a special problem. Nobody asked him what practical good could come out of his results. It was accepted as a truism that the exploration of nature, the search for laws beneath the phenomena of nature, grew from a natural longing of the human mind and represented a goal in itself which did not needfurther justifica-tion. This appraisal of science had a corollary, namely, that science, being solely bent upon the discovery of truth, must be free from outside interfer-ence by society andthe state, although of course governed by law. When Imperial Germany, a reactionary monarchy, led by the dyed-in-the-wool Junker, Count Bismarck, adopted a new constitution in 1871, a paragraph of this constitution read:" Science and its teachings are free." T [here were indeed very few instances in the European countries of the 19th cen-tury-that is, in the period in which the basis of modern science was laid-of interference with the freedom of science by governments, however reactionary, though there have always been organized groups of different colors who clamored for such interference. This was true even where the universities were com-pletely controlled by government and the professors were civil servants. It happened, to take an example, that under the rule of the Catholic Centrist party in Bavaria, professors were denounced in the Diet for teaching evolution. But theywere not prevented from continuing to do so, since even the worst reactionaries did not go so far as to abolish the freedom of teaching. In our country, conditions were somewhat different. The Constitution does guarantee the freedom of speech, but science and its teaching are not men-tioned. Thereare no federal universities. In en-dowed universities, only public opinion can prevent the trustees from setting up rules infringing upon the freedom of science. In state universities the regents, the governors, and the assemblies may, if public opinion permits, stranglethe freedom of sci-ence andits teaching. Everybody knows that such things have happened. Thereare still states in which the teaching of evolution is forbidden. There are events happening from time to time in this or that university which force the watchdogs of liberty to boycott the offending school. But greatly to the credit of our democracy, these are rare exceptions and as a whole science and its teaching have remained free. Does this mean that no future danger exists and that we may as well forget the problem of freedom of science? Twenty years ago such complacency would not have been too harmful. But since then the situa-tion has been completely changed. First, we have seen the rise of dictatorships (and unfortunately thus far only two have fallen)-dictatorships which attempt to control not only the minds of their subjects but also to control what science is permitted to do and to think. Do not say this cannot happen here. It will not happen, I trust, but it can happen. Second, the applications of science to the industrial field and consequently to national defense have reached a level at which restrictions to science in some fields cannot in the general interest be …