Lexical selection is not by competition: A reinterpretation of semantic interference and facilitation effects in the picture-word interference paradigm

Lexical selection is not by competition: A reinterpretation of semantic interference and facilitation effects in the picture-word interference paradigm
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DOI:
10.1037/0278-7393.33.3.503
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发表时间:
2007-05-01
影响因子:
2.6
通讯作者:
Caramazza, Alfonso
Caramazza, Alfonso
中科院分区:
心理学2区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Mahon, Bradford Z.;Costa, Albert;Caramazza, Alfonso

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言语产生中词汇通达领域的主流观点认为,随着非目标词激活水平的提高,词的选择变得更加困难--竞争选择。作者在两组实验中验证了这一预测。首先,作者表明,参与者更快地命名物体的图片(例如,“床”)在语义相关的动词干扰词(例如,睡眠)与不相关的动词干扰项(例如,拍摄)。在第二组实验中,作者表明,目标命名lavelet(例如,“horse”)对于类别内语义上接近的干扰词(例如,斑马)而不是类别内语义上远的干扰词(例如,whale)。在之前研究的背景下,这些数据为一个新的经验概括奠定了基础:随着干扰词在语义上变得更接近目标概念(其他条件相同),目标命名就会变得容易。这一事实意味着词汇选择并不涉及竞争,因此,语义干扰效应并不反映词汇水平的过程。这一结论对词汇通达模型和Stroop样干扰效应的解释具有重要意义。
The dominant view in the field of lexical access in speech production maintains that selection of a word becomes more difficult as the levels of activation of nontarget words increase-selection by competition. The authors tested this prediction in two sets of experiments. First, the authors show that participants are faster to name pictures of objects (e.g., "bed") in the context of semantically related verb distractors (e.g., sleep) compared with unrelated verb distractors (e.g., shoot). In the second set of experiments, the authors show that target naming latencies (e.g., "horse") are, if anything, faster for within-category semantically close distractor words (e.g., zebra) than for within-category semantically far distractor words (e.g., whale). In the context of previous research, these data ground a new empirical generalization: As distractor words become semantically closer to the target concepts-all else being equal-target naming is facilitated. This fact means that lexical selection does not involve competition, and consequently, that the semantic interference effect does not reflect a lexical level process. This conclusion has important implications for models of lexical access and interpretations of Stroop-like interference effects.