Beyond the Sectarian Divide: The Social Bases and Political Consequences of Nationalist and Unionist Party Competition in Northern Ireland

Beyond the Sectarian Divide: The Social Bases and Political Consequences of Nationalist and Unionist Party Competition in Northern Ireland
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超越宗派分歧:北爱尔兰民族主义和统一主义政党竞争的社会基础和政治后果

DOI:
10.1017/s0007123497000033
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发表时间:
1997
影响因子:
5
通讯作者:
M. Duffy
M. Duffy
中科院分区:
法学1区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Geoffrey Evans;M. Duffy

文献摘要

被引文献

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北方爱尔兰的政党制度可以被合理地描述为两种制度,其中政党竞争发生在民族主义者和统一主义者集团内。这些集团内部的社会和意识形态分歧制约了各政党的选举战略,从而促进或抑制了跨族群妥协。使用北方爱尔兰社会态度的数据,这些社区内的分歧的各种帐户进行测试,其政治影响进行评估。与对跨社区接触的影响的预期相反,邻里融合被认为与党派关系无关,尽管与政治社会化理论相一致,分歧双方的年轻人比年长者更有可能支持最近成立的政党。然而,最重要的是,统一主义集团和民族主义集团内部的分裂模式明显不对称。在新教徒中,左右翼意识形态对党派格局的影响要比宪法立场大得多;社会阶级的影响要比教派的影响大得多。大多数新教徒,无论他们的党派,也表达了强烈的统一宪法的偏好。与此形成鲜明对比的是,在民族主义方面,政党的支持沿着宪法界限两极分化,在经济不平等问题上没有跨领域的意识形态分歧,大多数天主教徒对民族主义采取温和立场。有人认为,结果,在统一集团内的社区内的政党竞争的模式不利于宪法妥协作为一个解决方案的“的”,而民族主义者之间的一维结构的竞争,选举支持和分配的态度,对宪法问题很可能影响了通过妥协战略的新芬党。
The Northern Irish party system is plausibly represented as two systems, in which party competition occurs within nationalist and unionist blocs. Social and ideological divisions within these blocs constrain parties' electoral strategies and thus facilitate or inhibit cross-communal compromise. Using Northern Irish Social Attitudes data, various accounts of these intra-communal divisions are tested and their political implications assessed. Contrary to expectations concerning the effects of cross-communal contact, neighbourhood integration is found to have no relationship with partisanship although, consistent with political socialization theory, young people on both sides of the divide are more likely than those who are older to support the more recently introduced parties. Most significantly, however, there are noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Among Protestants, left–right ideology has a far stronger impact than constitutional position on patterns of partisanship; and social class has considerably stronger effects than does denomination. Most Protestants, whatever their partisanship, also express strongly unionist constitutional preferences. In clear contrast, on the nationalist side party support is polarized along constitutional lines, there is no cross-cutting ideological division over economic inequality, and a majority of Catholics adopt a moderate stance on nationalism. It is argued in consequence, that within the unionist bloc the pattern of intra-communal party competition militates against constitutional compromise as a solution to ‘the troubles’, whereas among nationalists the unidimensional structure of competition for electoral support and the distribution of attitudes towards the constitutional issue are likely to have influenced the adoption of compromise strategies by Sinn Féin.