The representation of Hebrew words: Evidence from the obligatory contour principle

The representation of Hebrew words: Evidence from the obligatory contour principle
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DOI:
10.1016/s0010-0277(97)00016-4
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发表时间:
1997-07-01
期刊:
影响因子:
3.4
通讯作者:
Shimron, J
Shimron, J
中科院分区:
心理学2区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Berent, I;Shimron, J

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希伯来语根系具有三个辅音。希伯来语允许根辅音的宝石,但限制了其位置[McCarthy,J。(1979)。闪族语音学和形态学中的形式问题。马萨诸塞州剑桥; MTT博士论文。由印第安纳大学语言学俱乐部发行。 Garland Press,纽约,1985年],根部的末端允许根共声的宝石(例如[MSS]),但不在其开始(例如[SSM])。两个实验通过获得源自非根源的非单词的评分来研究读者对根词素结构的敏感性。与根最终的gemination(例如[MSS])或没有gemination控制(例如[PSM])相比,根本初始的颗粒(例如[SSM])是无法接受的。对根结构的敏感性都出现了,无论根部在单词中的位置如何。这些结果有几个含义。 (i)我们的发现表明形态分解。希伯来语说话者的评分反映了对双子座位置的语音限制。作为这种约束的领域,根源词素必须在希伯来语词的表示中形成单独的组成。 (2)拒绝根本界的宝石支持强制性轮廓原理的心理现实,这是自动段语音学的关键约束。 (3)对Geminates的位置的敏感性以Geminate和Nongeminate Bigrams的代表形式具有区别为前提。但是,这样的区别需要实现一个符号。我们的发现融合了许多语言证据,表明成分结构的表示对于说明语言概括是必要的。 (c)1997 Elsevier Science B.V.
The Hebrew root morpheme typically consists of three consonants. Hebrew allows a gemination of a root consonant, but constrains its location [McCarthy, J. (1979). Formal problems in semitic phonology and morphology. Cambridge, MA; MTT Ph.D. dissertation. Distributed by Indiana University Linguistics Club. Garland Press, New York, 1985], A gemination of a root-consonant is permitted at the end of the root (e.g., [mss]), but not at its beginning (e.g., [ssm]). Two experiments examined readers' sensitivity to the structure of the root morpheme by obtaining ratings for nonwords derived from nonroots. Root-initial gemination (e.g., [ssm]) was judged unacceptable compared to root-final gemination (e.g., [mss]) or no gemination controls (e.g., [psm]). The sensitivity to root structure emerged regardless of the position of the root in the word. These results have several implications. (I) Our findings demonstrate morphological decomposition. Hebrew speakers' ratings reflect a phonological constraint on the location of geminates. Being the domain of this constraint, the root morpheme must form a separate constituent in the representation of Hebrew words. (2) The rejection of root-initial gemination supports the psychological reality of the Obligatory Contour Principle, a pivotal constraint in autosegmental phonology. (3) A sensitivity to the location of geminates presupposes a distinction between the representation of geminate and nongeminate bigrams. Such a distinction, however, requires the implementation of a symbol. Our findings converge with numerous linguistic evidence in suggesting that the representation of constituency structure is necessary to account for linguistic generalizations. (C) 1997 Elsevier Science B.V.