Sociolinguistics in Scotland
Sociolinguistics in Scotland
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苏格兰的社会语言学
DOI:
10.1057/9781137034717_4
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发表时间:
2014
期刊:
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
Lawson E
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
Lawson E
Increasing attention is being paid in sociolinguistics to how fine phonetic variation is exploited by speakers to construct and index social identity (Hay and Drager 2007). To date, most sociophonetic work on consonants has made use of acoustic analysis to reveal unexpectedly subtle variation which is nonetheless socially indexical (eg Docherty and Foulkes 1999). However, some aspects of speech production are not readily recoverable even with a fine-grained acoustic analysis. New articulatory analysis techniques, such as ultrasound tongue imaging (UTI), allow researchers to push the boundaries further, identifying seemingly covert aspects of speech articulation which pattern with indexical factors with remarkable consistency. One such case is postvocalic/r/variation in Central Scotland. Although Scottish English is usually characterised as a rhotic variety of English, in recent decades sociolinguistic research has identified a weakening of rhoticity among certain socio-economic groups in lowland Central Scotland. Social-indexical patterns of rhoticity in this most populous geographical area of Scotland are reminiscent of those found by Labov in his 1960s New York study (Labov 1966) in that postvocalic/r/seems to be one of the most consistent markers of socio-economic status. In Labov’s New York study, variants which were not easily identified as either/r/or Ø were not included in the final analysis, but in Central Scotland, a more gradient picture of rhoticity is emerging. Speakers are still, on the whole, rhotic; it is the degree of strength of rhoticity, rather than presence or absence of postvocalic/r/that is indicative of a particular socio-economic status. This social stratification of rhoticity in Scottish English seems to be the result of a slow-moving, local sound change, rather than resulting from contact with speakers of non-rhotic varieties of English (see Romaine 1978; Speitel and Johnston 1983). The fact that phonetically and phonologically indeterminate rhotic variants have social significance increases the difficulty of auditory and acousticbased analyses of the social stratification of Scottish rhoticity (Stuart-Smith