The emergence of perfective aspect in Indo-Aryan languages
The emergence of perfective aspect in Indo-Aryan languages
复制标题
印度-雅利安语言中完成体的出现
DOI：
10.1075/tsl.19.2.05hoo
复制
发表时间：
1991
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
P. Hook
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
P. Hook
许多关于语法化的研究关注的是语义变化的更戏剧性的例子，在这些例子中，在早期的某个时间点上，一个独立的词项后来以功能词或绑定语素的形式出现，在其语言的语法系统中扮演某种一般的、往往是相当抽象的角色。这种变形通常涉及通常所说的”语义漂白”：一个项目的意义可能会变得更加普遍，失去意义的特征（Sweetser，1988：390）。然而，那些参与语法化的词项往往开始就具有相当普遍的意义。他们几乎没有什么特征可以失去。这些词的褪色应该反映在它们的语法作用的突然变化上。我们如何将这种语义变化的基本上是“saccadai”的观点与Lord（1973）、Givón（1975）和其他人所报告的语法化的渐进性联系起来？在本研究中，我表明，逐渐变化的可选择性的使用语法化的元素是至少一样重要的变化，在意义上的元素本身。
Many studies of grammaticization are concerned with the more dramatic instances of semantic change in which what is at an early point in time an independent lexical item later appears in the guise of a function word or bound morpheme, filling some general, often quite abstract role in the grammatical system of its language. Frequently such a metamorphosis involves what is commonly referred to as" semantic bleaching": The sense of an item may become more general by losing features of meaning (Sweetser, 1988: 390). However, the lexical items which are commonly found to participate in grammaticization tend to have quite general senses to begin with. They have few features to lose. The bleaching of such items should be reflected in sudden changes in their grammatical roles. How are we to square this essentially saccadai view of semantic change with the graduality of grammaticization reported by Lord (1973), Givón (1975) and others? In the present study I show that gradual change in the optionality of the use of a grammaticized element is at least as important as change in the meaning of the element itself.