The P600 as an index of syntactic integration difficulty
The P600 as an index of syntactic integration difficulty
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DOI：
10.1080/016909600386084
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发表时间：
2000-04-01
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Holcomb, P
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Kaan, E;Harris, A;Holcomb, P
事件相关电位研究假设P600成分与句法再分析过程有关。然而，我们认为P600并不局限于再分析过程，而是反映了一般的句法整合过程的困难。首先，我们根据其他地方提出的句子处理模型来讨论这个整合假设。接下来，在实验1中，我们展示了P600是在语法的、非花园路径的句子中引出的，相对于控制句（“是否”问题），这些句子的整合更困难（即“谁”问题）。这种效应在实验2中得到了重复。此外，我们直接比较了语法句子中难以整合的影响与违反协议的影响。结果表明，“谁”问题引发的积极性和违反协议引发的p600效应有部分重叠的神经生成器。这支持了一种假设，即类似的认知过程，即整合，涉及“谁”问题的第一次分析和处理不符合语法的问题（再分析）。
The P600 component in Event Related Potential research has been hypothesised to be associated with syntactic reanalysis processes. We, however, propose that the P600 is not restricted to reanalysis processes, but reflects difficulty with syntactic integration processes in general. First we discuss this integration hypothesis in terms of a sentence processing model proposed elsewhere. Next, in Experiment 1, we show that the P600 is elicited in grammatical, non-garden path sentences in which integration is more difficult (i.e., "who" questions) relative to a control sentence ("whether" questions). This effect is replicated in Experiment 2. Furthermore, we directly compare the effect of difficult integration in grammatical sentences to the effect of agreement violations. The results suggest that the positivity elicited in "who" questions and the P600-effect elicited by agreement violations have partly overlapping neural generators. This supports the hypothesis that similar cognitive processes, i.e., integration, are involved in both first pass analysis of "who" questions and dealing with ungrammaticalities (reanalysis).