Locating Urban Conflicts
Locating Urban Conflicts
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定位城市冲突
DOI：
10.1057/9781137316882_3
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发表时间：
2013
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Humphrey C
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Humphrey C
敖德萨是黑海沿岸的一个港口城市，自18世纪末建立以来，它就以一个国际化的城市而闻名，欢迎许多民族的商人和定居者;但在其历史上的不同时期，特别是在20世纪初，它也是血腥冲突的地点。[1]本章将1905年的革命概念化为一种建成城市的现象，从而重新审视这场革命。特别是，它着眼于身体暴力和敖德萨的规划和建筑之间的关系。由于那一年爆发的三种冲突政治变革的要求、经济阶级的对立和宗教仇恨不幸地仍然伴随着我们的当代世界，我们希望这个历史例子可以证明对本书所讨论的一些主题具有启发性。这里进行分析的部分灵感来自赫歇尔对20世纪90年代科索沃冲突期间普里什蒂纳所造成的破坏的开创性研究。[2] Herscher观察到，针对建筑是政治暴力的一个突出方面。他认为，对建筑的暴力行为是一种文化产物，它是由身份和机构形成的，这些身份和机构似乎是造成暴力行为的原因。[3]同样，我认为，有必要研究暴力行为本身，反对历史和人类学文献中的一种倾向，即将暴力视为其背后的其他原因（政治、宗教、种族等）的一种空白的、无差别的结果。社会运动通常是分析的重点）。我所采用的观点意味着不仅关注暴力行为的意图，而且特别关注其具体表现、地点和流动性。在这种观点中，暴力既具有破坏性，又具有创造性的新意义，它总是因其空间性而变化（区别），尤其是与城市建筑环境的相互关系。我将
Odessa, a port city on the Black Sea, has been known from its founding at the end of the eighteenth century as a cosmopolitan place, welcoming traders and settlers of many nationalities; but it has also been the site of bloody conflict at various times in its history, notably at the beginning of the twentieth century. 1 This chapter proposes to re-examine the revolution of 1905 by conceptualising it as a phenomenon of the built city. In particular, it looks at the relation between physical violence and Odessa’s planning and architecture. Since the three kinds of conflict that erupted in that year–demands for political change, economic class antagonism and religious enmity–are unfortunately still with us in the contemporary world, it is hoped that this historical example may prove illuminating for some of the themes addressed in this book. Part of the inspiration for the analysis undertaken here is a groundbreaking study by Herscher of the devastation wrought in Pristina during the Kosovo conflict of the 1990s. 2 Herscher observes that targeting architecture has been a prominent dimension of political violence. Rather than seeing violence as a mere epiphenomenon of ‘deeper’social, political or ideological dynamics, he suggests that violence against architecture is a kind of cultural production and that it is formative of the identities and agencies that seemingly bear on it as causes. 3 Similarly, I argue that there is a need to examine violent actions themselves, against the tendency in the historical and anthropological literature to see violence as a blank undifferentiated outcome of other causative factors lying behind it (the political, religious, ethnic, etc., social movements that are usually the focus of analysis). The perspective I adopt implies attending not only to the intentions of violent acts but specifically to their embodied manifestation, location and mobility. Violence in this view is both destructive and creative of new meanings, and it is always inflected (differentiated) by its spatiality, not least by its interrelation with the built environment of the city. I shall be