Caseless direct objects in Turkish revisited⇤

Caseless direct objects in Turkish revisited⇤
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重新审视土耳其的无壳直接物体⇤

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发表时间:
2015
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通讯作者:
Beste Kamali
Beste Kamali
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作者:
Beste Kamali

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有人声称并普遍认为,土耳其语中的无格直接宾语表现出一种句法结合,只有它们的格对立物才是真正的句法论证(Kornfilt 1997; Knecht 1986; Nilsson 1986; Öztürk 2005等)。因此,有格和无格对象被广泛认为是衍生相关的,这在Kelepir(2001)的建议中得到了具体化,即对象在离开副相时获得了明显的宾格。在本文中,我想重新审视实证证据和导致这些主张的解释,并提出修订意见。我首先说明并非所有的无壳对象都是相同的。我主要借鉴了Aydemir(2004)的观点,认为裸无大小写对象和那些带有不确定表达式的对象具有差异,如果将它们结合在一起,这种差异将是非常不寻常的。然而,采用Öztürk(2005)和反对Aydemir(2004),这两个案例都不能作为头部公司进行分析。然后我转到有格与无格的区别,并论证有格和无格对象毕竟并没有那么不同。基于严格控制信息结构的数据,我得出了与大多数早期报告不同的结论,并声称无大小写对象在形态句法上与它们的大小写对应对象一样可移动。因此,我建议用弱格(de Hoop, 1992)的概念取代土耳其语法文献中的合并概念,并以讨论这一主要语义现象的句法分析领域作为结论。
It has been claimed and widely assumed that caseless direct objects in Turkish exhibit a sort of syntactic incorporation, and only their cased counterparts are true syntactic arguments (Kornfilt 1997; Knecht 1986; Nilsson 1986; Öztürk 2005 among others). Cased and caseless objects are thus widely taken as derivationally related, crystallized in Kelepir’s (2001) proposal that objects pick up overt accusative as they move out of the VP. In this paper, I would like to revisit both the empirical evidence and the interpretation leading to these claims and propose revisions. I first show that not all caseless objects are the same. Mostly drawing on Aydemir (2004), I argue that bare caseless objects and those with indefinite expressions have di↵erences that would be very unusual if they were both incorporated. However, adopting Öztürk (2005) and against Aydemir (2004), neither of the cases can be analyzed as head incorporation. I then turn to the cased vs. caseless distinction and argue that cased and caseless objects are not that di↵erent after all. Based on data with strictly controlled information structure, I arrive at a di↵erent generalization than most of the earlier reports and claim that caseless objects are morphosyntactically as moveable as their cased counterparts. Hence, I propose to replace the notion of incorporation in the literature of Turkish syntax with the notion of weak case (de Hoop 1992) and conclude by a discussion of the domain of syntactic analysis in this primarily semantic phenomenon.