Disentangling the meanings of two Cantonese evidential particles
Disentangling the meanings of two Cantonese evidential particles
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解开两个粤语证据助词的含义
DOI：
10.1075/cld.2.2.05wak
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发表时间：
2011
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
J. Wakefield
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
J. Wakefield
一些语言学家认为，句末助词（SFPs）只有在与语篇内容相关的情况下才有意义。这当然是一个有待研究的经验问题。本文采用“功能性特征短语具有独立于话语语境的核心意义”的假设，提出了两个具有相关意义的粤语证据性功能性特征短语lo1和aa1maa3的定义。发展SFPs定义的方法是从Besemeres和Wierzbicka（2003）定义“话语标记语”的建议中采用的（经过修改）。基于语料库的例子和构建的最小对对话被用来证明，成功的定义占所有的上下文，允许一个，另一个，两个，或都不使用的功能性功能性短语的基础上可接受性的判断，从母语为广东话的人。除了加深我们对这两种功能性功能短语的理解外，本文还提供了实证证据来支持话语助词具有独立于语境的意义这一观点。
Some linguists have argued that sentence-final particles (SFPs) are only meaningful in relation to the content of the discourse. This is of course an empirical matter subject to investigation. Adopting a working hypothesis that SFPs have core meanings independent of the discourse context, this paper proposes definitions for two evidential SFPs in Cantonese with related meanings: lo1 and aa1maa3. The method for developing the SFPs’ definitions is adopted (with modifications) from Besemeres and Wierzbicka’s (2003) proposal for defining “discourse markers.” Corpus-based examples and constructed minimal-pair dialogues are used to demonstrate that the definitions succeed at accounting for all the contexts that allow one, the other, both, or neither of the SFPs to be used based on acceptability judgments from native-Cantonese speakers. In addition to furthering our understanding of the two SFPs under discussion, this paper provides empirical evidence in support of the idea that discourse particles have context-independent meanings.