Null vs. overt pronouns and the Topic-Focus articulation in Spanish: 2704
Null vs. overt pronouns and the Topic-Focus articulation in Spanish: 2704
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西班牙语中的空代词与明显代词以及主题焦点发音：2704
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发表时间：
2002
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影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Susana Fernández
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作者：
L. Frazier;Luis Alonso;Susana Fernández
Carminati（2002）表明，意大利语中语音全代词和语音空代词（pro）的存在反映了照应解析方面的分工。 Pro 比其语音上明显的对应物更喜欢链接到突出的先行词（其中突出性是由句内照应情况下的句法位置决定的）。我们首先报告了三项书面问卷研究的结果，表明 Carminati (2002) 的先行假设位置 (PAH) 正确预测了西班牙语代词在句内和句间照应情况下的照应行为。在存在两个潜在先行词（一个处于动词前主语位置，另一个处于宾语位置）的两句话语中，pro 在 73.2% 的情况下与主语相关（在句法上比宾语更突出），而语音上显性代词仅在 50.2% 的情况下与主语相关。当只有一个主语先行词可用时，包含 pro 的句子被认为比包含明显代词的句子更自然，因此表明照应偏好不仅仅是由于先行词解析的模糊性。在变量绑定的情况下，得到的对比基本上相同，其中 pro 在 86.9% 的情况下链接到主语，而代词仅在 63.3% 的情况下链接。两项书面问卷研究证实，包含代词的句子的主题焦点清晰度会影响 PAH 预测的一般照应偏好。我们报告的证据证实，在西班牙语中，前动词主语被解释为句子主题。然后我们表明，当语音上显性代词是动词前主语时，它们倾向于选择突出的（主语）先行词，从而超越 PAH 中编码的一般偏好。这一事实表明，PAH 中编码的偏好是与代词占据的句法位置相关的解释的结果。
Carminati (2002) shows that the existence of both phonetically full and phonetically null pronouns (pro) in Italian reflects a division of labor with respect to anaphora resolution. Pro prefers to link to prominent antecedents more than its phonetically overt counterpart does (where prominence is determined by syntactic position in intrasentential anaphora cases). We first report the results of three written questionnaire studies showing that the Position of Antecedent Hypothesis (PAH) of Carminati (2002) correctly predicts the anaphoric behavior of Spanish pronouns both in intraand intersentential anaphora cases. In two-sentence discourses where two potential antecedents (one in preverbal subject position and another in object position) exist, pro is linked 73.2% of the time to the subject (which is syntactically more prominent than the object) whereas the phonetically overt pronoun links to the subject only 50.2% of the time. When there is only a subject antecedent available, sentences containing pro are rated as more natural than sentences containing an overt pronoun, thus suggesting that the anaphoric preference is not simply due to ambiguity of antecedent resolution. Essentially the same contrast obtains in cases of variable binding, where pro links to the subject 86.9% of the time and the pronoun only 63.3% of the time. Two written questionnaire studies corroborate that the topic-focus articulation of the sentence containing a pronoun affects the general anaphoric preferences predicted by the PAH. We report evidence confirming that, in Spanish, preverbal subjects are interpreted as sentential topics. Then we show that when phonetically overt pronouns are preverbal subjects they tend to pick up prominent (subject) antecedents, thus overriding the general preferences encoded in the PAH. This fact suggests that the preferences encoded in the PAH come about as a result of the interpretation associated with the syntactic position that pronouns occupy .