Minding the PS, queues, and PXQs: Uniformity of semantic processing across multiple stimulus types
Minding the PS, queues, and PXQs: Uniformity of semantic processing across multiple stimulus types
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DOI：
10.1111/j.1469-8986.2007.00636.x
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发表时间：
2008-05-01
期刊：
影响因子：
3.7
通讯作者：
Federmeier, Kara D.
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Laszlo, Sarah;Federmeier, Kara D.
阅读文献中的一个假设是，获取语义的途径受到刺激属性的限制，例如拼写规则或熟悉度。在电生理领域，这一假设导致了关于启动由N400事件相关电位(ERP)成分索引的语义加工所必需的特征的争论。为了检验这一点，我们记录了结尾为熟悉而合法(单词)、熟悉而非法(首字母缩写词)或陌生而非法(辅音或元音字符串)的句子的ERP。观察到单词和缩略语的N400一致性效应(相对于意想不到的结尾，负性降低到预期)；这些词在大小、时间和头皮分布上是相同的。值得注意的是，不熟悉的、非法的字符串也会引发明显的N400电位，这表明，至少在言语语境中，可以尝试对任何字母串进行语义通达，而不考虑熟悉度或规律性。
An assumption in the reading literature is that access to semantics is gated by stimulus properties such as orthographic regularity or familiarity. In the electrophysiological domain, this assumption has led to a debate about the features necessary to initiate semantic processing as indexed by the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component. To examine this, we recorded ERPs to sentences with endings that were familiar and legal (words), familiar and illegal (acronyms), or unfamiliar and illegal (consonant or vowel strings). N400 congruency effects (reduced negativity to expected relative to unexpected endings) were observed for words and acronyms; these were identical in size, timing, and scalp distribution. Notably, clear N400 potentials were also elicited by unfamiliar, illegal strings, suggesting that, at least in a verbal context, semantic access may be attempted for any letter string, regardless of familiarity or regularity.