Contrasting opposite polarity in Germanic and Romance languages: Verum focus and affirmative particles in native speakers and advanced L2 learners
Contrasting opposite polarity in Germanic and Romance languages: Verum focus and affirmative particles in native speakers and advanced L2 learners
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日耳曼语和罗曼语中相反的极性对比：母语者和高级二语学习者的Verum焦点和肯定助词
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发表时间：
2014
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通讯作者：
Giuseppina Turco
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作者：
Giuseppina Turco
本论文研究了肯定极性对比的表达方式（例如，
演讲者B：在我的照片中，孩子正在吃后面的糖果
孩子不是在吃说话人A）从类型学和
获得的角度，在有限断言假说提出的框架，
Klein（1998，2006）.正如最近提出的那样，极性对比对于
共同基础管理在德国和荷兰，但不是在浪漫
语言意大利语和法语（Dimroth，Bronzno，Benazzo，& Vernazzo，2010）。是
并非偶然，日耳曼语言的语法配备了丰富的
语言手段，即Verum focus -限定动词上的重音（例如，霍勒，
1992年）-和肯定粒子（例如，荷兰语助词wel）表示
极性对比一个进一步的研究问题将这种类型学差异与
第二语言习得中的可学性问题。如前所示，
研究表明，即使在更高的熟练程度，学习者也无法编码
信息结构（冯斯图特海姆，2003年）。
在本论文中，我们提供了极性对比的实验证据，
在德语、荷兰语、法语和意大利语以及L2中采用相同的任务程序
学习者结果表明，对于德语和荷兰语的人来说，
对比对于共同点管理至关重要。相比之下，尽管法语
和意大利语都配有断言/极性标记（例如Verum focus是
偶尔产生），说话者在测试的语境中不会选择这些选项
在这里;可以想象，浪漫主义者认为，突出对比，
相关算子可能会导致“过于自信”的语用效果。的分析
二语习得数据支持这些跨语言差异。结果表明
学习者倾向于在他们的第二语言中寻找方法，使他们能够建立类似第一语言的能力，
话语信息组织，从而表现出“话语口音”（参见。
von斯图特海姆，2003年）
This dissertation investigated the expression of affirmative polarity contrast (e.g.,
speaker B: In my picture the child is eating the candies following after In my picture
the child is not eating the candies uttered by speaker A) from a typological and an
acquisitional perspective, framed in the finiteness-assertion hypothesis proposed by
Klein (1998, 2006). As recently suggested, polarity contrast plays a crucial role for
common ground management in German and Dutch but not in the Romance
languages Italian and French (Dimroth, Andorno, Benazzo, & Verhagen, 2010). It is
not by accident that the grammar of Germanic languages is equipped with a rich set of
linguistic means, namely Verum focus - an accent on the finite verb (e.g., Hohle,
1992) - and affirmative particles (e.g., the Dutch particle wel) for the expression of
polarity contrast. A further research question links such typological differences to
learnability problems in second language acquisition (L2). As shown in previous
studies, even at higher levels of proficiency, learners are not able to encode
information structure in a target-like way (von Stutterheim, 2003).
In this dissertation we provided experimental evidence of polarity contrast, by
adopting the same task procedure in German, Dutch, French and Italian and in L2
learners. Results showed that for German and Dutch speakers marking polarity
contrast is crucial for common ground management. By contrast, even though French
and Italian are equipped with assertion/polarity markings (e.g. Verum focus is
produced occasionally), speakers do not choose these options in the contexts tested
here; conceivably, Romance speakers feel that highlighting the contrast on the
relevant operators might result in a “too assertive” pragmatic effect. The analysis on
the L2 acquisition data supports these cross-linguistic differences. Results showed
that learners tend to look for means in their L2 which allow them to build up L1-like
discourse information organisation, and thus demonstrated a “discourse accent” (cf.
von Stutterheim, 2003)