Parametrizing AGR: Word order, V-movement and EPP-checking
Parametrizing AGR: Word order, V-movement and EPP-checking
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DOI：
10.1023/a:1006090432389
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发表时间：
1998-08-01
影响因子：
1.3
通讯作者：
Anagnostopoulou, E
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Alexiadou, A;Anagnostopoulou, E
本文探讨了一些不对称的行为主体在日耳曼语，凯尔特语/阿拉伯语，罗曼语和希腊语。研究中的语言根据一系列性质分为两大类，包括是否存在带指称主语的前降句、VSO/VOS语序的可能性、SVO语序中主语的A/A'地位、非限定性结构中是否存在非限定性限制（DR）效应、是否存在独立于V-2的动词提升等。我们认为，在这种分裂的关键因素是一个参数化的方式扩展投影原理（EPP）检查：移动/合并XP与移动/合并X-O。第一个选择是在日耳曼语中，第二个是在凯尔特语，克里克语和罗曼语中。根据我们的建议，EPP涉及检查AGR的标称特征（参见Chomsky 1995），而move/merge X-O语言通过V提升满足EPP，因为它们的口头协议形态包括必要的名词性特征（参见。Taraldsen 1978）。此外，我们还证明了凯尔特语/阿拉伯语与罗曼语/希腊语之间存在的进一步差异与主题的Spec，TP的参数可用性有关（参见。Jonas and Bobaljik 1993，Bobaljik and Jonas 1996）。在凯尔特语和阿拉伯语中，主题的Spec，TP是许可的，导致VSO命令与VP外部主题。在希腊语和罗曼语中，Spec，TP是不被许可的，导致VP内部主语的“主语倒置”命令。换句话说，我们表明，在移动/合并X-O语言的类内，出现了进一步的分区，这是由于相同的参数将日耳曼语言分为两大类。我们证明，结合建议的EPP/AGR参数的Spec，TP参数给出了四种语言类型具有不同的属性。
The paper investigates a number of asymmetries in the behavior of subjects in Germanic, Celtic/Arabic, Romance, and Greek. The languages under investigation divide into two main groups with respect to a cluster of properties, including the availability of pro-drop with referential subjects, the possibility of VSO/VOS orders, the A/A' status of subjects in SVO orders, the presence/absence of Definiteness Restriction (DR)-effects in unaccusative constructions, the existence of verb-raising independently of V-2, and others. We argue that the key factor in this split is a parametrization in the way the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) is checked: move/merge XP vs, move/merge X-O. The first option is taken in Germanic, the second in Celtic, Creek, and Romance. According to our proposal, the EPP relates to checking of a nominal feature of AGR (cf. Chomsky 1995), and move/merge X-O languages satisfy the EPP via V-raising, as their verbal agreement morphology includes the requisite nominal feature (cf. Taraldsen 1978). Moreover, we demonstrate that the further differences that exist between Celtic/Arabic on the one hand and Romance/Greek on the other are related to the parametric availability of Spec,TP for subjects (cf. Jonas and Bobaljik 1993, Bobaljik and Jonas 1996). In Celtic and Arabic, Spec,TP for subjects is licensed, resulting in VSO orders with VP external subjects. In Greek and Romance, Spec,TP is not licensed, resulting in 'subject inverted' orders with VP internal subjects. In other words, we show that within the class of move/merge X-O languages, a further partition emerges which is due to the same parameter dividing Germanic languages into two major classes. We demonstrate that combining the proposed EPP/AGR parameter with the Spec,TP parameter gives four language-types with distinct properties.