Tides of Consent: How Public Opinion Shapes American Politics, by James A. Stimson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 181 pp. $55.00 cloth, $16.99 paper.
Tides of Consent: How Public Opinion Shapes American Politics, by James A. Stimson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 181 pp. $55.00 cloth, $16.99 paper.
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同意的浪潮：公众舆论如何塑造美国政治，作者：詹姆斯·A·史汀生。
DOI：
10.1080/10584600500477278
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发表时间：
2006
影响因子：
7.5
通讯作者：
R. Y. Shapiro
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
R. Y. Shapiro
特别是，Lipinski发现，在1994年，强调国会积极信息的民主党人比那些有负面或中立信息的民主党人更有可能失败。在1994年这样的选举中，这可能并不奇怪，当时民主党人被扫地出门;远离党的领导层是民主党人在那一年的明智策略。有趣的是，看看同样的模式是否会在更典型的选举中出现。如果是这样，“通过竞选国会来竞选国会”的老策略做法或许就有道理了！这是一本写得很好的书，适合于高水平的本科生或研究生研讨会。虽然有一些多元回归模型，结果在文本中得到了彻底的解释，所以没有统计学背景的读者应该能够沿着。我对这本书唯一的批评是，作者本可以更好地利用对86名成员进行的长达4页的出色调查（附录C）。事实上，根本没有对调查进行系统分析。虽然有一些使用的报价从42个采访，更自由的零星报价将更好地说明和支持一些一般性的论点，正在作出。总的来说，这本书将是非常有用的那些有兴趣在成员组成的沟通或代表更广泛。Lipinski总结说：“我不认为这些发现会导致现任者对选举策略进行广泛的重新评估。. .”(p. 109）。这本书无疑丰富了关于这个话题的文献，我敢打赌，利平斯基在研究他的书时学到了一些掘金的东西，这将使他在众议院的第一个任期更舒服一些。
of members’ messages about congressional performance; specifically, Lipinski finds that, in 1994, Democrats who emphasized positive messages about Congress were more likely to lose than Democrats who had negative or neutral messages. This may not be surprising in an election such as 1994 when Democrats were swept from office; distancing oneself from the party leadership was a wise strategy for Democrats in that year. It would be interesting to see if this same pattern would hold in more typical elections. If so, the old strategy of “running for Congress by running against Congress” approach may make sense! This is a well-written book that would be appropriate for an upper-level undergraduate or graduate seminar. While there are some multivariate regression models, the results are thoroughly explained in the text, so readers without a background in statistics should be able to follow along. My only criticism of the book is that the author could have made better use of the excellent four-page survey that was conducted of 86 members (Appendix C). Indeed, there was no systematic analysis of the survey at all. While there is some use of quotes from the 42 interviews, a more liberal sprinkling of quotes would better illustrate and support some of the general arguments that are being made. Overall, this book will be of great use to those who are interested in member-constituent communication or representation more broadly. Lipinski concludes by stating, “I do not expect that these findings will cause a widespread reassessment of electoral strategies by incumbents . . .” (p. 109). The book certainly enriched the literature on this topic, and I would bet that there are a few nuggets that Lipinski learned in researching his book that will make his first term in the House a little more comfortable.