Childlessness in the UK
Childlessness in the UK
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DOI：
10.1007/978-3-319-44667-7_3
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发表时间：
2017-01-01
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影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Berrington, Ann
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文献类型：
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作者：
Berrington, Ann
自20世纪80年代以来，英国对无子女的原因和后果的兴趣有所增长，这是对20世纪60年代和70年代初自愿无子女的水平从非常低的水平上升的回应（例如，Baum和科普，1980;坎贝尔，1985; Kiernan，1989）。一些早期的作者将无子女描述为“终极女权主义的一种模式”（麦卡利斯特和Clarke 2000），早期的研究集中在结婚至少10年但没有孩子的女性身上（例如，Kiernan 1989）。最近，学者们使用生命历程方法来研究与生育意图和结果相关的父母背景和生命历程因素（麦卡利斯特and Clarke 2000;贝灵顿2004; Kneale and Joshi 2008; Simpson 2009;贝灵顿and Pattaro 2014）。从一开始，该领域的研究人员就一直在努力解决定义和衡量自愿和非自愿无子女、区分那些希望推迟生育的人和那些不想要孩子的人以及了解个人观点如何变化的固有困难。整个生命过程（Baum和科普，1980年; Iacovou and Travares 2011）。相对于欧洲其他地区，英国是一个特别有趣的案例，因为它是总体生育率水平较高的国家之一（每个妇女的完整家庭规模约为1.9个孩子），但无子女率也很高（约为20%）（科尔曼，1996;贝灵顿等人，2015）。本章为英国提供了新的经验证据，可以帮助我们更好地理解这一明显的矛盾。我们以多种方式增加关于这个主题的现有知识。首先，我们考察了无子女的教育梯度
Interest in Britain in the causes and consequences of childlessness has grown since the 1980s in response to the increase in voluntary childlessness from very low levels in the 1960s and early 1970s (eg, Baum and Cope 1980; Campbell 1985; Kiernan 1989). Some early authors characterised childlessness as “a mode of ultimate feminism”(McAllister and Clarke 2000), and early studies focused on women who had been married for at least 10 years but had had no children (eg, Kiernan 1989). More recently, scholars have used a life course approach to investigate the parental background and life course factors associated with fertility intentions and outcomes (McAllister and Clarke 2000; Berrington 2004; Kneale and Joshi 2008; Simpson 2009; Berrington and Pattaro 2014). From the outset, researchers in this area have struggled with the difficulties inherent in defining and measuring voluntary and involuntary childlessness, in differentiating between those who wish to postpone childbearing and those who do not want children, and in understanding how individuals’ viewpoints change across the life course (Baum and Cope 1980; Iacovou and Travares 2011).Relative to the rest of Europe, Britain is a particularly interesting case because it is one of the countries where overall aggregate levels of fertility are high (with a completed family size of around 1.9 births per woman), but levels of childlessness are also high (at around 20%)(Coleman 1996; Berrington et al. 2015). This chapter provides new empirical evidence for Britain which can help us better understand this apparent contradiction. We add to the existing knowledge on this topic in a number of ways. First, we examine how the educational gradient of childlessness