Your pocket is what cures you: the politics of health in Senegal

Your pocket is what cures you: the politics of health in Senegal
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你的口袋可以治愈你:塞内加尔的健康政治

DOI:
10.1080/00083968.2014.880611
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发表时间:
2013
期刊:
Canadian Journal of African Studies/ La Revue canadienne des études africaines
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
M. Turshen
M. Turshen
中科院分区:
--
文献类型:
--
作者:
M. Turshen

文献摘要

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这些妇女似乎很少遭受虐待和暴力(136-138页),这一重要现象只作了非常简短的讨论(作者在其他出版物中确实提到了这一主题),而几页之后(147-150页)关于海员之间打架的故事则用了两倍的篇幅。甚至艾滋病毒/艾滋病也只是作为一种病毒而不是一个社会问题,从风险管理的透镜来讨论。缺乏对这些妇女的生活和决策的细致入微的解释,一个超越游戏规则的解释,这一点可以通过一些段落来说明,这些段落似乎将进入这个行业的决定简化为从第一个客户那里轻松赚钱的经历(190),或者认为年长的性工作者之所以没能离开,是因为他们“似乎缺乏离开这个行业所必需的想象力或技能”(194)。意识到作者收集了大量引人入胜的民族志材料,这位评论家对错过的机会印象最深。这项工作本来可以远远超过一本关于游戏的书,但特罗特似乎不愿意超越夜总会。大概写一个像卖淫这样的话题并不容易,但是有一些光辉的例子可以说明如何在讨论性交易的同时公正地对待这些女性生活的复杂性。引人注目的是,他没有提到马克·亨特(Mark Hunter)关于政治经济学、性别和性之间的密切联系的杰出著作,也没有提到路易丝·白色(Luise White)的《家庭的慰借》(The Combustion of Home,芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,1991年)。这些作者将更广泛的政治经济背景与性交易(无论是卖淫还是男女朋友之间的资源交换)之间的联系作为他们分析的核心。另一方面,在《糖女孩与水手》中,我们只看到了这种背景的一瞥,而这种背景一直没有得到充分的探索。这是告诉特罗特讨论卖淫的背景下,码头边的游戏,在那里白色对待它作为劳动。当然,作者希望接触到一般读者,而不是亨特或白色。可访问性是一个值得称赞的目标,但这本书让人想知道我们想要达到更广泛的受众。它的读者可能已经被娱乐了,但人们愿意认为,它可以达到感兴趣的观众,而不会减少性工作者,他们无疑有非常复杂和非凡的生活,成为性游戏的玩家和多汁故事的载体。如果我们做不到这一点,这些工作者可能只是为读者提供了另一种娱乐形式。当然,这并不是吸引更多观众的目的。
significant phenomenon that these women seem to suffer comparatively little abuse and violence (136–138) is only discussed very briefly (the author does take this theme up in other publications), while the story of a fight between seamen a few pages later (147–150) receives twice the space. Even HIV/AIDS is only really discussed through the lens of risk management, as a virus rather than a societal problem. The lack of a nuanced interpretation of these women’s lives and decision making, one that goes beyond the rules of the game, is illustrated by passages which seemingly reduce the decision to enter the profession to the experience of getting easy money from their first client (190), or which assume that older sex workers failed to get out because they “seem to lack the imagination or skills necessary for leaving the business” (194). Conscious of the wealth of fascinating ethnographic material that the author collected, this reviewer was mostly struck by the missed opportunities. This work could have been much more than a book about the game, but Trotter seems unwilling to look beyond the nightclubs. It presumably is not easy to write about a charged topic like prostitution, but there are some shining examples of how to discuss transactional sex while doing justice to the complexity of these women’s lives. Strikingly, he does not refer to Mark Hunter’s excellent work on the intimate connections between political economy, gender, and sexuality, or to Luise White’s The Comforts of Home (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). These authors make connections between the wider political economic context and transactional sex (whether it is prostitution or the exchange of resources between boyfriends and girlfriends) central to their analysis. In Sugar Girls & Seamen, on the other hand, we only see glimpses of this context, which are consistently underexplored. It is telling that Trotter discusses prostitution in the context of a dockside game, where White treats it as labour. Of course, the author wants to reach the general reader, as opposed to Hunter or White. Accessibility is a laudable goal, but this bookmakes onewonder towhat endwewant to reach a wider audience. Its readers may have been entertained, but one would like to think that it is possible to reach an interested audience without reducing sex workers, who undoubtedly have very complex and remarkable lives, to players of a sexual game and vehicles for juicy stories. If we cannot do that, these workers may simply provide one more form of amusement for the readers. Surely, that is not the purpose of reaching a bigger audience.