Selectorate theory and the democratic peacekeeping hypothesis: evidence from Fiji and Bangladesh
Selectorate theory and the democratic peacekeeping hypothesis: evidence from Fiji and Bangladesh
复制标题
选举团理论与民主维和假说：来自斐济和孟加拉国的证据
DOI：
10.1080/13533312.2015.1108845
复制
发表时间：
2016
影响因子：
2.3
通讯作者：
A. Nasirzadeh
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
J. Levin;Joseph MacKay;A. Nasirzadeh
自冷战结束以来，联合国维和行动经历了两次重大转变。首先是从在冲突后环境中维持和平的有限努力转向在执行和平方面作出更有力的努力。二是维和人员构成发生变化。1990年，联合国维和行动的主要人员派遣国是多边合作和其他自由民主准则的显著支持者，拥有丰富的维和经验。然而，截至2012年，联合国维和行动的主要派遣国发生了巨大变化：孟加拉国、巴基斯坦、埃塞俄比亚和尼日利亚取代了传统的维和部队加拿大、芬兰、奥地利和挪威。虽然自由民主国家继续承担大部分费用，但它们几乎都消失在地面上，导致维持和平的质量急剧下降。后一种转变的后果是相当多争论的主题。一些人认为，维持和平有助于向派遣国传递民主规范和制度。越来越多的人认为所谓的“民主维和”假设是一个“神话”。我们进一步指出，专制国家可能会承担维和任务，作为维持昂贵的安全机器的一种方式，以实现国内镇压的目的。维持和平——冷战后自由主义全球治理的一个特征——有可能成为促进发展中国家不自由的国内治理的手段。我们在斐济和孟加拉国这两个试探性但具有警示性的案例中证明了这一点。
ABSTRACT UN peacekeeping has undergone two major shifts since the end of the cold war. The first is a move away from limited efforts to maintain peace in post-conflict environments towards more robust efforts at peace enforcement. Second, the composition of peacekeepers has changed. In 1990, the leading contributors of personnel to UN peacekeeping missions were notable supporters of multilateral cooperation and other liberal-democratic norms with extensive peacekeeping experience. As of 2012, however, the top contributors to UN peacekeeping missions had changed dramatically: Bangladesh, Pakistan, Ethiopia and Nigeria have replaced traditional peacekeepers Canada, Finland, Austria and Norway. While liberal-democratic nations continue to bear most of the costs, they have all but disappeared on the ground, leading to a precipitous decline in the quality of peacekeeping. The consequences of the latter shift are the subject of considerable debate. Some argue that peacekeeping facilitates the transmission of democratic norms and institutions to sending states. Others increasingly argue that the so-called ‘democratic peacekeeping’ hypothesis is a ‘myth’. We go further, suggesting that autocratic states may take on peacekeeping duties as a way of maintaining costly security apparatuses for the purposes of domestic repression. Peacekeeping – a feature of liberal post-cold war global governance – risks becoming a means to facilitate illiberal domestic governance in the developing world. We demonstrate this in two tentative but cautionary cases: Fiji and Bangladesh.