The 1947 Welsh Delegation to Brittany: Paradiplomacy and Propaganda
The 1947 Welsh Delegation to Brittany: Paradiplomacy and Propaganda
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1947 年威尔士代表团访问布列塔尼：准外交与宣传
DOI：
10.1093/frebul/ktad008
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发表时间：
2023
影响因子：
0.2
通讯作者：
Jones K
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Jones K
1947年，威尔士的全国少数民族理事会代表团前往布列塔尼，这是一个极不寻常的历史事例，即法国要求一个非国家的国际代表团调查法国在其主要边界内对语言少数民族的待遇，以及他们的语言、文化和人权。本案例研究考察了这些中心-边缘关系的性质，这些关系在paradiplomacy和宣传之间摇摆，并探讨了在代表团抵达布列塔尼之前，法国和英国媒体如何影响围绕访问的公共叙事，以及回归后的多语言报告。邮报-布雷东民族主义者的解放命运引发了相当大的兴趣，并在威尔士的某些圈子里引起了强烈的反响，这些圈子与其"凯尔特表亲"布列塔尼建立了长期的联系。事实上，Erwan Chartier肯定威尔士提供了"les plus importants soutiens à l'égard des Bretons inquiétés à la Libération"，[1]而丹尼尔利奇将威尔士对流亡布列塔尼人的道义和实际支持描述为"真实的泛凯尔特主义"。[2]从1945年底开始，一系列批评文章和大多数匿名信件主要出现在威尔士周报《Y Faner》和《Y Tyst》，以及英国日报《新闻纪事报》和《利物浦每日邮报》，以及每周杂志《旁观者》上。其中指控说，一些布雷东民族主义者和语言活动家，如François Jaffrennou和Roparz Hemon，受到法国当局的不公正迫害，其理由不仅仅是出于法律的理由。法国司法系统对布列塔尼人的偏见在威尔士基本上没有受到质疑，依靠战前泛凯尔特人的联系，用假名和假护照逃离法国法庭的布列塔尼人开始抵达威尔士，寻求威尔士民族主义者的庇护。随着前往威尔士的布雷东逃犯人数的增加，威尔士民族主义政党格子西姆鲁（威尔士党）在秘密协助新来者的努力中变得更加协调。它成立了威尔士-布雷东委员会，该委员会又发起了一个布雷东援助基金，以组织和支持布雷东民族主义者流亡到威尔士，并于1946年12月成立了每月公报《布雷东国家新闻社》。[3]著名的布雷东民族主义流亡者扬·富埃雷（Yann Fouéré）因担任维希政府授权的布列塔尼协商委员会（Comité consultatif de Bretagne）秘书长和贝泰尼派地区报纸《布列塔尼报》（La Bretagne）的编辑而被判通敌罪，他在1946年7月抵达威尔士后，在建立威尔士的支持体系方面发挥了重要作用。4
The 1947 National Eisteddfod Council delegation from Wales to Brittany represents a highly unusual historical instance of the French state requesting an international delegation from a non-state nation to investigate France’s treatment of a linguistic minority within its main borders, and their linguistic, cultural as well as human rights. This case study examines the nature of these centre–periphery relations oscillating between paradiplomacy and propaganda, and explores how the battle to influence public narratives surrounding the visit was played out in the press in France and Great Britain before the delegation’s arrival in Brittany, and in its multilingual report after its return.The post-Liberation fate of Breton nationalists sparked considerable interest and elicited a strong response in certain circles in Wales, which had forged longstanding ties with its ‘Celtic cousin’Brittany. Indeed, Erwan Chartier affirms that Wales offered ‘les plus importants soutiens à l’égard des Bretons inquiétés à la Libération’, 1 and Daniel Leach has characterized Welsh moral and practical support for exiled Bretons as ‘real Pan-Celticism’. 2 From the end of 1945, a series of critical articles and mostly anonymous letters appeared primarily in the Welsh weekly newspapers Y Faner and Y Tyst, as well as in the British dailies News Chronicle and Liverpool Daily Post, and the weekly magazine The Spectator. These contained allegations that some Breton nationalists and language activists, such as François Jaffrennou and Roparz Hemon, were being unjustly persecuted by the French authorities on cultural rather than solely legal grounds. The claims of anti-Breton bias in the French justice system went largely unchallenged in Wales, and under assumed names and using false passports, relying on pre-war pan-Celtic contacts, Bretons fleeing French courts began to arrive in Wales in search of refuge with individual Welsh nationalists. As the numbers of Breton fugitives travelling to Wales grew, the Welsh nationalist party Plaid Cymru (the Party of Wales) became more coordinated in its efforts to clandestinely assist the new arrivals. It formed the Welsh–Breton Committee, which in turn launched a Breton Aid Fund to organize and support the exile of Breton nationalists to Wales, and in December 1946 set up the monthly bulletin The Breton National News Service. 3 Prominent Breton nationalist exile Yann Fouéré, convicted of collaboration due to his roles as general secretary of the Vichy-authorized Comité consultatif de Bretagne and as editor of the Pétainiste regional newspaper La Bretagne, played an instrumental role in establishing this Welsh support system after his arrival in Wales in July 1946. 4