How does a blind person see? Developmental change in applying visual verbs to agents with disabilities.

How does a blind person see? Developmental change in applying visual verbs to agents with disabilities.
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盲人如何看?将视觉动词应用于残疾人的发展变化。

DOI:
10.1016/j.cognition.2021.104683
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发表时间:
2021-07
期刊:
影响因子:
3.4
通讯作者:
Landau B
Landau B
中科院分区:
心理学2区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Elli GV;Bedny M;Landau B

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经典理论强调第一人称感官体验对于学习单词含义的首要作用:要知道“看”是什么意思,必须能够使用眼睛来感知。与这种观点相反,盲人成年人和儿童获得了“视觉”动词的规范意义,例如,将“看”和“看”解释为有视力的代理人用眼睛。在这里,我们问这个问题的另一面:有视力的孩子有多容易获得“视觉”动词的含义,因为他们适用于盲人代理?我们要求有视力的4岁、6岁和9岁的孩子告诉我们,盲人或有视力的代理人会用身体的哪个部位来“看”、“看”(和其他视觉动词,n=5),而不是“听”、“闻”(和其他非视觉动词,n=10)。即使是最小的孩子也一致地报告了视力正常的代理人的正确身体部位(眼睛用于“看”,耳朵用于“听”)。相比之下,在使用“视觉”动词的盲人代理有显着的发展变化。成年人,9岁和6岁的孩子,要么扩展视觉动词到其他形式的盲人代理(例如,用手或手杖“看”)或声明盲人代理“不能”“看”或“看”。相比之下,4岁的孩子说,一个盲人特工会用她的眼睛“看”,“看”等,即使明确承认代理人的“眼睛不工作”。年幼的孩子们也赞同“她正在看dax”的描述,即盲人特工在她的“视线”内有物体,而不管她是否与物体有身体接触。这种模式适用于轮椅使用者的腿部运动动词(“走”,“跑”)。残疾人修改动词情态的能力在4到6岁之间经历了发展变化。尽管如此,我们发现,4岁的孩子是敏感的主动(“看”)和静态(“看”)之间的语义区别,即使是在应用到盲目的代理。这些结果挑战了第一人称感觉经验的首要地位,并强调了语言输入和社会互动在动词意义习得中的重要性。
Classic theories emphasize the primacy of first-person sensory experience for learning meanings of words: to know what “see” means, one must be able to use the eyes to perceive. Contrary to this idea, blind adults and children acquire normative meanings of “visual” verbs, e.g., interpreting “see” and “look” to mean with the eyes for sighted agents. Here we ask the flip side of this question: how easily do sighted children acquire the meanings of “visual” verbs as they apply to blind agents? We asked sighted 4-, 6- and 9-year-olds to tell us what part of the body a blind or a sighted agent would use to “see”, “look” (and other visual verbs, n=5), vs. “listen”, “smell” (and other non-visual verbs, n=10). Even the youngest children consistently reported the correct body parts for sighted agents (eyes for “look”, ears for “listen”). By contrast, there was striking developmental change in applying “visual” verbs to blind agents. Adults, 9- and 6-year-olds, either extended visual verbs to other modalities for blind agents (e.g., “seeing” with hands or a cane) or stated that the blind agent “cannot” “look” or “see”. By contrast, 4-year-olds said that a blind agent would use her eyes to “see”, “look”, etc., even while explicitly acknowledging that the agent’s “eyes don’t work”. Young children also endorsed “she is looking at the dax” descriptions of photographs where the blind agent had the object in her “line of sight”, irrespective of whether she had physical contact with the object. This pattern held for leg-motion verbs (“walk”, “run”) applied to wheelchair users. The ability to modify verb modality for agents with disabilities undergoes developmental change between 4 and 6. Despite this, we find that 4-year-olds are sensitive to the semantic distinction between active (“look”) and stative (“see”), even when applied to blind agents. These results challenge the primacy of first-person sensory experience and highlight the importance of linguistic input and social interaction in the acquisition of verb meaning.
DOI: 10.1111/1467-7687.00209
发表时间: 2002-03-01
影响因子: 3.7
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DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.1990.tb02811.x
发表时间: 1990-06-01
期刊: CHILD DEVELOPMENT
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