Time and Space in the Reproduction of Educational Inequality
Time and Space in the Reproduction of Educational Inequality
复制标题
教育不平等再现的时空
DOI：
10.1007/978-1-4020-5916-2_1
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发表时间：
2007
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
R. Teese
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
R. Teese
世界上较富裕国家的一个特点是，在对教育进行了半个世纪的大量投资之后，在机会和结果方面仍然存在非常明显的社会不平等现象（儿童基金会，2002年）。伴随着第二次世界大战后重建的密集活动和持续到1970年代中期的经济增长，在许多欧洲国家创造了扩张性结构。这将在经济增长停滞、失业重新成为不确定性的长期来源之后，支持延长学校教育和广泛利用高等教育。在20世纪的最后几十年里，接受义务教育后教育和培训的人数一度因收入增加和愿望提高而不断增加。其目的是建立一个高科技、尖端服务和高生产力的“新经济”，以利用新兴的全球环境。但是，对战后大部分时期社会不平等趋势的研究显示出显著的稳定性，并且似乎对提高参与度、提高质量和公平的政策努力不起作用（Blossfeld and Scarlet，1993; Gamoran，2001; Gamoran and Long，2007）。1.为什么富裕国家在将大众参与转化为社会平等的努力中得到的回报如此之少？我们认为，虽然富裕国家确实在教育方面投入了大量资金，但它们并没有消除阻碍教育公平的结构性障碍。尽管经济上对成功教育的依赖已经变得普遍，这使得公平变得更加重要，而不是不那么重要。此外，社会上对改革的抵制越来越大，而且往往得到政府的支持，使教育系统被用作相对优势的结构，而不是公平的结构。简而言之，公共承诺是有条件的，而且是矛盾的。各国政府鼓励更多的全面参与，但不一定是减少成就和机会方面的重大差距所需的质的变化。它们保持了社会分化的结构，并鼓励，如果不是资助，社会上较不稳定的家庭努力保持优势。与此同时，私人支出上升，为追求优势和剥削社会利益提供资金。
It is characteristic of the richer nations of the world that after half a century of heavy investment in education there should still be very marked social inequalities in opportunities and outcomes (UNICEF 2002). The intense activity that accompanied post Second World War reconstruction and sustained economic growth up to the mid-1970s created expansive structures in many European countries. These would support prolonged schooling and wide use of tertiary education long after growth had faltered and unemployment had returned as a constant source of uncertainty. Once fuelled by rising incomes and rising aspirations, participation in postcompulsory education and training continued to increase in the last decades of the twentieth-century. The aim was to build a ‘new economy’of high technology, sophisticated services and high productivity to exploit the emerging global environment. But studies of trends in social inequality covering much of the postwar period show remarkable stability and a seeming imperviousness to the policy effort to drive up participation and boost quality and equity (Blossfeld and Shavit 1993; Gamoran 2001; Gamoran and Long* 2007). 1 Why have rich nations been so poorly rewarded in their efforts to translate mass participation into social equality? We will argue that while rich nations have indeed invested heavily in education, they have not dismantled the structural barriers which block greater equity in access and outcomes. This is despite the fact that economic dependence on successful schooling has become generalised, making equity more, not less important. Moreover, social resistance to reform has grown and frequently been supported by governments, enabling education systems to be used as structures of relative advantage rather than as structures of equity. In short public commitment has been conditional and ambivalent. Governments have encouraged greater overall participation, but not necessarily the qualitative changes needed to reduce major gaps in achievement and opportunity. They have kept structures of social differentiation in place and have encouraged, if not financed the efforts of socially more advantaged families to maintain an edge. At the same time, private spending has risen to finance the pursuit of advantage and to exploit the socially