Projection and inflection : a study of persian phrase structure
Projection and inflection : a study of persian phrase structure
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投射和变形：波斯语短语结构的研究
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发表时间：
1996
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通讯作者：
J. Ghomeshi
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作者：
J. Ghomeshi
本论文基于以下关于词法和句法的关键假设：（a）语法中单一义是可取的； (b) 只有屈折词缀而非派生词缀可以对应于句法投射； (c) 投射是由词汇和功能类别所具有的特征驱动的； (d) 基本生成的 X0 附加在语法中是可能的。从屈折词缀和派生词缀之间的区别开始，本文围绕波斯语的屈折词缀及其出现的结构范围进行组织。首先，在研究 Ezafe 元音 -e 时，有人认为，如果名词在波斯语中不投射结构，则最好解释该元音的分布。这解释了为什么 DP（限定词短语）下方没有出现短语材料。建议对中心词名词的修饰语出现在 X0 邻接结构中，并且 Ezafe 元音插入到 PF 处，以将潜在的非突出中心词识别为属于单个成分。转向波斯语的一致性，结果表明代词附加词和一致性后缀的分布差异源于这些词缀的形态特性。例如，附加词只能与空的、确定的参数同时出现，而主语一致词缀可以与任何名词短语一起出现，这一事实是由词缀本身的子类别和大小写要求来解释的。这种分析还解释了这样一个事实：附属词必须出现在主语一致之外，即使它们指的是直接宾语。此外，代词附加词在论证位置中识别 pro 的提议被证明可以解释波斯语中具有约束力的事实。论文中考虑的其他屈折词素之一是标记-ra，它用于在 VP 邻接位置对预设的 DP 进行大小写标记。有人认为，这些 DP 被解释为 VP 级别的主题，并且给出了许可条件来解释它们的发生。一般来说，波斯语中的每种特定于语言的结构都是由所涉及的词汇项和屈折词素的形态特性来解释的。
This thesis is based on the following pivotal assumptions about morphology and syntax: (a) that monosemy is desirable in grammar; (b) only inflectional and not derivational affixes can correspond to syntactic projections; (c) projection is driven by the features borne by lexical and functional categories; and (d) base-generated X0-adjunction is possible in the syntax. Starting with the distinction between inflectional and derivational affixes, the thesis is organized around the inflectional affixes of Persian and the range of constructions they occur in. First, in looking at the Ezafe vowel -e, it is argued that the distribution of this vowel is best accounted for if nouns do not project structure in Persian. This explains why no phrasal material occurs below the DP (Determiner Phrase). It is proposed that modifiers to the head noun occur in an X0-adjoined structure and that the Ezafe vowel is inserted at PF to identify potentially non-projecting heads as belonging to a single constituent. Turning to agreement in Persian, it is shown that the differences in the distribution of the pronominal enclitics and the agreement suffixes follow from morphological properties of these affixes. For example, the fact that the enclitics can only cooccur with null, definite, arguments while the subject agreement affixes can appear with any noun phrase is accounted for by subcategorization and case requirements of the affixes themselves. This analysis also explains the fact that the enclitics must occur outside subject agreement, even though they refer to the direct object. Further, the proposal that the pronominal enclitics identify pro in an argument position is shown to explain binding facts in Persian. Among the other inflectional morphemes considered in the thesis is the marker-ra which is shown to case-mark presupposed DPs in VP-adjoined position. It is argued that these DPs are construed as VP-level topics and a licensing condition is given to account for their occurrence. In general each of the language-particular constructions in Persian are shown to be accounted for by the morphological properties of the lexical items and inflectional morphemes involved.