Inherent case as a licensing condition for A-movement: The case of hyper-raising constructions in Brazilian Portuguese
Inherent case as a licensing condition for A-movement: The case of hyper-raising constructions in Brazilian Portuguese
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作为 A 动作许可条件的固有案例：巴西葡萄牙语中的超级提升结构案例
DOI：
10.5334/jpl.129
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发表时间：
2008
影响因子：
0.2
通讯作者：
Jairo Nunes
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Jairo Nunes
根据Ferreira（2000，2004，forthcoming）和Rodrigues（2002，2004）的研究假设，巴西葡萄牙语（口语）中的指称空主语是A-移位的痕迹，本文特别关注巴西葡萄牙语中的超提升结构。我认为，在非人称结构中，嵌入的CP和嵌入的主语（或嵌入的话题）可能会为了与矩阵T达成一致而竞争。嵌入式CP通常是赢家，因为它更本地化。然而，如果它被矩阵谓词分配了固有的Case，它就变得不活跃，不再与嵌入的DP竞争。在这些情况下，嵌入的主语或话题可以移动到矩阵[Spec，TP]，分别产生主语或话题超提升结构。
Assuming with Ferreira (2000, 2004, forthcoming) and Rodrigues (2002, 2004) that referential null subjects in (Colloquial) Brazilian Portuguese (BP) are traces of A-movement, this paper specifically focuses on hyper-raising constructions in BP. I argue that in impersonal constructions the embedded CP and the embedded subject (or an embedded topic) may compete for purposes of agreement with the matrix T. The embedded CP is generally the winner as it is more local. However, if it is assigned inherent Case by the matrix predicate, it becomes inactive and no longer competes with an embedded DP. In these circumstances, an embedded subject or topic can then move to the matrix [Spec,TP], yielding subject or topic hyper-raising constructions, respectively.