Political Violence in Analytical Perspective
Political Violence in Analytical Perspective
复制标题
分析视角中的政治暴力
DOI：
--
复制
发表时间：
1997
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
D. Apter
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
D. Apter
说“考虑”暴力也许是一种自相矛盾的说法。它太令人震惊，太令人悲伤，太令人沮丧，而且往往过于虔诚或激情，即使在最好的情况下，也是一种难以中立对待的现象。政治暴力使人联想到卢旺达、苏丹南部、东帝汶对无辜者的屠杀、北方爱尔兰在毛毛雨中举行的葬礼、恐怖主义分子对公开展示的俘虏的酷刑和审判、波斯尼亚对妇女的侵犯和残害。即使在意图是英勇的地方，如恰帕斯州的萨帕塔主义者，或在南非这样成功的自由斗争的背景下，伴随着财产和鲜血的损失，留下了可挽回的愤怒的未竟事业。更重要的是，即使是最成功的运动，也不能完全按照自己的方式实现自己的目标。其最消极的影响之一是强化了偏见的界限。因为政治暴力不仅使人们分裂，而且使人们在种族、民族、宗教、语言和阶级的归属上两极分化。它把头脑中的边界变成了地面上的地形和管辖权。正如《纽约》的一篇社论所说：“在以前的任何时代，人们都没有表现出如此大的天赋和胃口，因为种族、宗教或阶级的原因而杀害数百万人。”1那些不是受害者的人成为偷窥狂。即使是最善意的运动也会受到福柯悖论的影响，即解放计划的霸权后果。也许最糟糕的是，当它变得自我维持并持续很长时间时，人们接受它，与它一起生活，并在一个沉闷，肮脏，野蛮和短暂的世界中生存。
To speak of “contemplating” violence is perhaps a contradiction in terms. Too shocking, too saddening, too infuriating and often too pious or passionate, it is, even under the best of circumstances, a phenomenon difficult to approach neutrally. Political violence conjures up the massacres of the innocents in Rwanda, Southern Sudan, East Timor, the drizzly parade of funerals in Northern Ireland, the tortures and trials of captives on public display by terrorists, the violation and mutilation of women in Bosnia. Even where the intents are heroic, as in the case of the Zapatistas in Chiapas, or in the context of such successful struggles for freedom as in South Africa, the attending loss of property and blood leaves behind the unfinished business of retrievable anger. The more so because not even the most successful movements realize their aims quite on their own terms. Among its most negative effects is the reinforcement of prejudiced boundaries. For political violence not only divides people, it polarizes them around affiliations of race, ethnicity, religion, language, class. It turns boundaries in the mind into terrains and jurisdictions on the ground. As an editorial in the New York Times put it: “In no previous age have people shown so great an aptitude and appetite for killing millions of other people for reasons of race, religion or class.”1 Those who are not victims become voyeurs. Even the best-intentioned movement suffers the effects of Foucault’s paradox, i.e. the hegemonic consequences of the liberating project. Perhaps worst of all, where it becomes self-sustaining and of long duration, people accept it, live with it, and survive in a world gone dull, nasty, brutish and short.