On Bound Anaphora in Type Logical Grammar
On Bound Anaphora in Type Logical Grammar
复制标题
论类型逻辑语法中的绑定回指
DOI:
10.1007/978-94-010-0037-6_6
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发表时间:
2003
期刊:
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
G. Morrill
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
G. Morrill
In this paper we tackle the intrasentential anaphora quadrant of the intersentential and intrasentential anaphora and cataphora pie. Montague, 1974 characterized personal pronouns as bound anaphors preceded by their antecedents and taking nominative forms in subject position and accusative forms in object position. In this paper we give a type logical formulation of such a view of anaphora (taking into account also reflexive pronouns). lager, 2001 broaches much the same task by a proof-theoretic definition which, it is to be hoped, can be given a model-theoretic justification, whereas here we take'type logical'to mean that the definition is model-theoretic in the first place. Moortgat, 1988 initiates discontinuity which is type logical in this sense, but encounters difficulties with indeterminacy of separation points. Versmissen, 1991 proposes to mark a separation point by a pointer and Solias, 1992 to encode separation points as the positions in between the operands of an absolutely free tuple operation. Morrill, 2002 aspires to generalize various efforts by means of a seperator constant operator, which is close to Versmissen, except that there are multiple seperator occurrences, and close to Solias, except that there is no nesting. A constant operator also appears in Moortgat, 1996. In this paper, a development of Morrill, 2oo0b, we invoke what would appear to be sufficient for a type logical treatment of intrasentential anaphora. In § 1 we define the relevant formalism and in § 2 we present a type assignment calculus. In § 3 we present and exemplify the treatment of anaphora. In § 4 we discuss binding principles and argue that Principle B and the Delay of Principle B Effect are not unexpected on our account. In the appendix we present a discontinuous sequent calculus which is free of structural rules.