Household Labor, Gender Roles, and Family Satisfaction: A Cross-National Comparison
Household Labor, Gender Roles, and Family Satisfaction: A Cross-National Comparison
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家庭劳动、性别角色和家庭满意度：跨国比较
DOI：
10.3138/jcfs.43.5.613
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发表时间：
2012
影响因子：
1.7
通讯作者：
Kiira Fox
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
R. Forste;Kiira Fox
1.由于工作和家庭领域的相互关系，最近的学术研究致力于确定妇女就业率上升对家庭的影响（Batalo va和Cohen，2002年;比安奇、Milkie、罗宾逊和Sayer，2000年; Doucet，2006年; Lewin-Epstein和Stier，2006年）。更具体地说，研究的重点是在母亲从事有偿工作之后，家庭劳动分工发生了什么变化，以及如何确定新的安排。一般而言，妇女的应对措施是减少家务劳动时间，而男子的应对措施是增加无偿劳动（Fox，2009年; Hook，2006年）。尽管如此，男性的贡献并不能弥补妇女在家中的时间减少，妇女仍然承担着大部分家务和育儿责任（艾伦和韦伯斯特，2001年;巴塔洛娃和科恩，2002年;巴克斯特，2002年; Diefenbach，2002年; Doucet，2006年; Hochschild，1989年; Iversen和Rosenbluth，2003年; Lewin-Epstein和Stier，2006年; Sanchez和Thompson，1997年）。因此，20多年前Hochschild确定的妇女与家庭责任之间的关系在今天仍然适用;性别仍然是谁做家务的主要预测因素（巴克斯特，2002年; Hochschild，1989年; Hook，2006年）。当夫妇成为父母时，这些性别分工和家庭责任的不平等也往往变得更加明显（Fox，2009年）。除了女性投入更多的时间外，她们还继续执行传统的女性任务（比安奇等人，2000）。在家务劳动方面，妇女一般负责做饭和洗衣等日常工作，而男子则更有可能从事不经常的家务劳动（Hochschild，1989年）。关于儿童保育，妇女更有可能为子女做计划、担心和决策，而男子更倾向于花“育儿”时间与子女玩耍（Doucet，2006年，第142、198页）。虽然在按性别划分家务和育儿责任方面存在一些差异，但这些总的趋势在世界各地都很明显（巴克斯特，2002年; Chen，2005年; Coltrane，2000年; Diefenbach，2002年）。事实上，各项研究一致指出，尽管男子的参与率有所提高，妇女在劳动力队伍中的参与程度、国籍和国家发展水平也在不断提高，但妇女仍然承担着大部分家务劳动的责任（Batalova和Cohen，2002年; Diefenbach，2002年; Habib、Nuwayhid和Yeretzian，2006年; Hook，2006年）。鉴于态度在一定程度上预测行为，性别意识形态经常被用来解释家庭中的劳动分工（Apparala，Reifman和Munsch，2003）许多个人和国家层面的影响已经被研究，以了解为什么女性和家务之间的联系持续存在。虽然许多研究都致力于回答这个问题，但确切的答案仍然难以捉摸。虽然我们的目的不是进一步了解为什么它会持续存在，但它的持续存在是我们研究的出发点;我们的兴趣是它与家庭满意度的关系。事实上，尽管国际上对性别意识形态放宽了限制，但妇女仍然承担着大部分家务劳动。由此可见，意识形态的差异和劳动分工会产生更多的态度和行为不一致的情况。这种不一致性很可能会对相关人员的体验和幸福感产生影响，但对某些人来说可能比其他人更重要。因此，我们问这种增加的不一致性是否会影响个人的家庭生活的满意度，这种关系是否因国家context.In本研究中，我们提供了一个综合的微观和宏观层面，政治经济的角度来框架意识形态，家庭劳动分工和家庭满意度之间的关系。由于个人层面和国家层面因素的结合被发现可以更全面地解释劳动分工，我们将简要回顾所采用的最相关的理论和沿着这两个维度考察的影响。…
INTRODUCTIONDue to the interrelation of work and family domains recent scholarship has been devoted to determining the impact of women's rising employment on the home (Batalo va and Cohen, 2002; Bianchi, Milkie, Robinson, and Sayer, 2000; Doucet, 2006; Lewin-Epstein and Stier, 2006). More specifically, research has focused on what happens to the division of domestic labor in the wake of mother's paid employment and how the new arrangements are determined. In general, women have responded by dedicating less time to housework and men have responded by increasing their participation in unpaid labor (Fox, 2009; Hook, 2006). That said, male contributions do not compensate for the decrease in time by women in the home, and women still maintain responsibility for the majority of household and childcare responsibilities (Allen and Webster, 2001; Batalova and Cohen, 2002; Baxter, 2002; Diefenbach, 2002; Doucet, 2006; Hochschild, 1989; Iversen and Rosenbluth, 2003; Lewin-Epstein and Stier, 2006; Sanchez and Thompson, 1997). The relationship between women and domestic responsibility identified by Hochschild over 20 years ago thus holds true today; gender remains the chief predictor of who performs housework (Baxter, 2002; Hochschild, 1989; Hook, 2006). These gendered divisions of labor and inequality in domestic responsibility also tend to become more pronounced when couples become parents (Fox, 2009).In addition to women dedicating more time, they also continue to perform traditionally female tasks (Bianchi et al., 2000). In terms of domestic labor, women are generally responsible for daily routine tasks such as cooking and laundry, whereas men are more likely to perform infrequent household maintenance chores (Hochschild, 1989). Regarding childcare, women are more likely to do the planning, worrying, and decision making for their children while men are more apt to spend "childcare" time playing with children (Doucet, 2006, p. 142, 198). While some variance in the gendered division of domestic and childcare duties exists, these general trends are manifest throughout the world (Baxter, 2002; Chen, 2005; Coltrane 2000; Diefenbach, 2002). In fact, studies unanimously point to women's continued responsibility for the bulk of domestic labor, despite men's increased participation, rising female involvement in the labor force, nationality, and level of national development (Batalova and Cohen, 2002; Diefenbach, 2002; Habib, Nuwayhid, and Yeretzian, 2006; Hook, 2006). Given that attitudes in part predict behavior, gender ideology is often used to explain the division of labor in the home (Apparala, Reifman, and Munsch, 2003).Many individual and national-level influences have been studied to understand why the association between females and housework persists. While much research has been dedicated to answering this question, a definitive answer remains elusive. Although our aim is not to further understanding of why it persists, that it persists serves as the point of departure for our study; our interest is in its association with family satisfaction. The fact remains that despite the international liberalizing of gender ideology, women continue to perform the bulk of work in the home. It follows that the divergence of ideology and the division of labor would yield more instances of incongruence between attitude and behavior. Such incongruence is likely to have implications for the experience and happiness of those involved, but perhaps more for some than for others. We thus ask whether this increased incongruence influences individuals' satisfaction with family life and whether this relationship differs by national context.In this study we offer an integrated micro and macro-level, political-economy perspective to frame the relationship between ideology, the division of household labor, and family satisfaction. As a combination of individual-level and national-level factors have been found to more comprehensively explain the division of labor, we will briefly review the most relevant theories employed and influences examined along both dimensions. …