Nuclear non-proliferation.
Nuclear non-proliferation.
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DOI:
10.1126/science.215.4529.114
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发表时间:
1982
期刊:
影响因子:
56.9
通讯作者:
Edward J. Markey
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
Edward J. Markey
Retardation of the spread of nuclear weapons to other nations is a matter of intense concern to Congress. Despite an apparent lack of public interest, non-proliferation is the priority issue for many congressmen (1). Thus, in considering the Administration's trial balloon on the use of commercial spent fuel as a source of weapons-grade plutonium with the aid of laser isotope separation, I find the testimony of Gerard C. Smith (2) at the hearing of my subcommittee on 1 October 1981 (News and Comment, 16 Oct., p. 307) most compelling. During the 1967 negotiations for the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and its provisions for safeguards under the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the United States offered to place our peaceful nuclear facilities un-der the same safeguards, albeit reserving the legal right to use the special nuclear materials any way we see fit. An agree-ment to this effect between the United States and the IAEA was ratified by the Senate in 1980.Thus, we helped to set up the international safeguard program under the IAEA and the NPT to keep account of commercial nuclear materials to ensure that they are not diverted to weapons use, agreed to have our commercial nu-clear plants safeguarded in the same way, as a good example, and now we propose to divert openly our commercial materials into weapons channels. In Ambassador Smith's words:" it would be a horrible example if the inspectors from the IAEA were periodically reporting diversions from our nuclear power plants for military purposes, when all over the rest of the world their function would be to try to discover such diversions which would be illegal under the terms of the treaty."