Living in the Gray: Women’s Experiences of Missing the Marital Transition
Living in the Gray: Women’s Experiences of Missing the Marital Transition
复制标题
生活在灰色地带：女性错过婚姻转型的经历
DOI：
--
复制
发表时间：
2007
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
L. Ganong
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Elizabeth A. Sharp;L. Ganong
鉴于妇女推迟（或放弃）婚姻的趋势日益增加，以及对妇女对其人生轨迹的反思的研究很少，这项研究的目的是审查28 - 34岁受过大学教育的白色未婚妇女的生活经历。采用描述现象学方法，对10名未婚女性进行了32次访谈。结果表明，他们的经历具有不确定性。这些女性强烈地反思自己的生活道路，评估自己，并制定策略来管理他们感受到的普遍不确定性。生命历程的期望和决定，应对策略，和经验的“错过”的过渡和相关后果的影响进行了讨论。关键词：生命历程，生命变迁，未婚，现象学。跨越时间和文化，意义已被分配到实足年龄。年龄的社会结构影响着人生转变的时间，对个人一生的期望和行为产生深远的影响（Elder，1998年）。在美国，婚姻是一个特别突出的年龄阶段的生活转变，由于生育年龄有限以及婚姻对她们身份的价值，婚姻的时机对妇女来说非常重要（Baber &艾伦，1992）。这项研究的目的是探索一个20多岁或30多岁出头的女性从未结婚的感觉。我们采用描述现象学方法，因为这种定性方法的目标是通过个人的深入反思来描述和澄清经验的基本结构（Porter，1998）。我们应用生命历程的观点的原则，以框架目前的调查。生命历程框架关注生命道路的发展，侧重于在不断变化的历史环境中，个人按年龄区分的社会和家庭角色之间的转变（Elder，1998年）。与这个问题特别相关的两个原则是历史时间和生活中的时间。历史时间和个人经验历史时间的原则表明，生活轨迹受到其发生的历史时期的影响（埃尔德，1998）。许多社会，经济和文化条件可能会影响现在20多岁和30多岁出头的未婚女性群体（Smock，2004）。家庭学者认为，主要因素是婚姻倒退的原因或后果：妇女经济独立性的提高，离婚和同居的增加，个人主义，以及生育和婚姻之间越来越脱节（斯莫克）。总之，这些因素被描述为促成了西方文化中婚姻的非制度化（Cherlin，2004年）。作为本次调查重点的妇女出生于20世纪60年代末和70年代初至70年代末，在这几十年里，妇女初婚的中位年龄逐渐增加。1980年，结婚年龄中位数为22岁; 1999年为25.1岁; 2004年，妇女结婚年龄中位数为25.4岁，是美国历史上最大的（美国人口普查局，美国统计摘要，2005年）。自1970年代以来，妇女组建家庭的模式发生了很大变化。与早期的同龄人相比，更多的妇女晚婚或根本不结婚，在婚姻之外生孩子，并同居。由于晚婚，单身妇女的比例越来越高，41%的25 - 29岁妇女和24%的30 - 34岁妇女从未结过婚（美国人口普查局，《美国统计摘要》）。许多学者断言，由于经济独立的增加，妇女选择晚婚或放弃婚姻（例如，Coontz，2004; Gaughan，2002）。由于妇女比过去更多地受雇于有工资的人，人们认为她们结婚的经济动机减少了。…
Given the increasing trend of women delaying (or forgoing) marriage and the minimal scholarship on women's reflections of their life course trajectories, the purpose of the study was to examine the lived experience of White, college-educated women aged 28 - 34 years who have not married. Using descriptive phenomenology methodology, 32 interviews were conducted with 10 never-married women. Results suggested that their experiences were marked by uncertainty. The women were intensely reflecting on their life pathways, evaluating themselves, and enacting strategies to manage the pervasive uncertainty they felt. Implications about life course expectations and decisions, coping strategies, and experiences of "missed" transitions and related consequences are discussed. Key Words: life course, life transitions, never married, phenomenology. Across time and cultures, meanings have been assigned to chronological age. The social construction of age influences the timing of life transitions, having far-reaching consequences for individuals' expectations and behaviors throughout their lives (Elder, 1998). Marriage is a particularly salient age-graded life transition in the United States, and the timing of marriage has pronounced importance for women because of limited childbearing years and the value of marriage for their identities (Baber & Allen, 1992). The purpose of this study was to explore what it is like to be a woman in her late 20s or early 30s who has never married. We employed descriptive phenomenology methodology because the goal of this qualitative approach is to describe and clarify the essential structure of an experience through individuals' in-deptii reflections (Porter, 1998). We applied principles of the life course perspective to frame the current investigation. The life course framework attends to the development of life pathways, focusing on transitions among individuals' age-differentiated social and family roles in the context of changing historical circumstances (Elder, 1998). Two tenets especially germane to this issue are historical time and timing in lives. Historical Time and Individual Experiences The principle of historical time suggests that life trajectories are influenced by the historical period during which they occur (Elder, 1998). Many social, economic, and cultural conditions potentially influence the cohort of never-married women who are now in their late 20s and early 30s (Smock, 2004). Predominant factors have been cited by family scholars as either a cause or a consequence of a retreat from marriage: women's increasing economic independence, the rise in divorce and cohabitation, individualism, and an increasing disconnection between childbearing and marriage (Smock). Taken together, these factors have been described as contributing to the deinstitutionalization of marriage in Western cultures (Cherlin, 2004). Women who are the focus of this investigation were born during the late 1960s and the early- to late 1970s, decades in which the median age at first marriage for women increased gradually. In 1980, the median age at marriage was 22 years; in 1999, it was 25.1 years; and in 2004, the median age for women was 25.4 years, the oldest in U.S. history (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 2005). Since the 1970s, women's family formation patterns have changed considerably. Compared to earlier cohorts, more women married later or did not marry at all, bore children outside of marriage, and cohabited. Largely as a result of delayed marital entry, increasing proportions of women are single, with 41% of women aged 25 - 29 years and 24% of women aged 30 - 34 years being never married (U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States). Many scholars assert that women are opting either to marry later or to forgo marriage because of increased economic independence (e.g., Coontz, 2004; Gaughan, 2002). Given that more women are employed for wages than in the past, it is thought that they have less economic incentive to marry. …
论胡塞尔现象学的“启发”：对奥梅里将现象学阐述为护理研究方法的反思
DOI：
10.1097/00012272-199809000-00003
发表时间：
1998
期刊：
ANS. Advances in nursing science
影响因子：
--
作者：
Porter,EJ
通讯作者：
Porter,EJ
年长寡妇独自在家生活的经历。
DOI：
10.1111/j.1547-5069.1994.tb00289.x
发表时间：
1994
期刊：
Image--the journal of nursing scholarship
影响因子：
--
作者：
Porter,EJ
通讯作者：
Porter,EJ
影响因子：
4.6
作者：
Elder, GH
通讯作者：
Elder, GH