Constraints on allomorphy in inflexion
Constraints on allomorphy in inflexion
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拐点同质异形的限制
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发表时间：
1981
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通讯作者：
A. Carstairs
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作者：
A. Carstairs
本论文关注的是寻找约束条件之间的关系morphosyntical属性和它们的双指数-更准确地说，约束偏离最简单的“粘合”模式的一个指数，一个属性，反之亦然。本文提出了三个主要的限制条件：边缘性限制、范式经济假设和系统同名性要求。外围性约束规定，形态句法属性的实现可能对在单词中更中心（即更接近词干）实现的属性“敏感”，但对更外围实现的属性不敏感，除非它以相同的方式对同一类别中所有更外围的属性敏感。范式经济假说关注的是不同的语篇范式（变格类型或变位类型）的数量上限，这些语篇资源（词缀、变音等）可被纳入这些语篇范式。任何语言的任何部分都可以组织。给出一个适当的“范式”定义，这个上限是非常严格的，不可能出现比使所有子工作所需的更多的范式。这一假设必须放宽，允许“范式混合”，但只有在严格规定的条件下。系统性同音异义主张的前提是，从形态学的观点来看，在系统性同音异义和偶然性同音异义之间存在着区别。有人认为，只有在一定的形态条件下，系统的同音异义词可以发生，系统的同音异义词（'融合'）的主要类别是那些在那里的morpohsyntax条件因素实现sinultimate与中立的属性。这些说法的证据来自一些印欧语系和非印欧语系的语言（包括匈牙利语、祖鲁语、土耳其语、Dyirbal语和Fulfulde语）。最后对今后的研究重点提出了建议。
This thesis is concerned with the search for constraints on the relationship between morphosyntactic properties and their inflexional exponents - more precisely, constraints on deviation from the maximally simple 'agglutinative' pattern of one exponent to one property and vice versa. Three principal constraints are proposed the Peripherality Constraint, the Paradigm Economy Hypothesis and the Systematic Homonymy Claim. The Peripherality Constraint specifies that the realisation of a morphosyntactic property may be 'sensitive to' a property realised more centrally in the word (i.e. closer to the stem) but not to one realised more peripherally, unless it is sensitive in the same way to all the more peripheral properties in the same category. The Paradigm Economy Hypothesis concerns the upper limit on the number of distinct inflexional paradigms (declension-types or conjugation-types) into which the inflexional resources (affixes, ablaut etc.) of any part of speech in any language may be organized. Given an appropriate definition of 'paradigm', this upper limit is engaged to be extremely strict no more paradigms may occur than are required to put all the inflexions to work. This hypothesis has to be relaxed to permit 'paradigm mixture', but only under narrowly specifiable conditions. The Systematic Homonymy Claim presupposes a distinction between those homonymies within an inflexional paradigm which are systematic and those which are accidental from the morphological point of view. It is argued that systematic homonymies can occur only under certain morphological conditions, the principal class of systematic homonymies ('syncretisms') being ones where the morpohsyntactic conditioning factors are realized sinultaneously with the neutralised properties. Evidence for these claims is drawn from a number of languages, both Indo-European and non-Indo-European (including Hungarian, Zulu, Turkish, Dyirbal and Fulfulde). Suggestions are made about priorities for future work on the theory of inflexional morphology.