The Net Delusion: How not to liberate the world
The Net Delusion: How not to liberate the world
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DOI：
10.1080/17544750.2013.753504
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发表时间：
2013-03
影响因子：
2.7
通讯作者：
Cherian George
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Cherian George
因为西方的时尚美学原则是高度优先的（第247页）。然而，可以理解的是，趋势传媒集团的编辑们试图创造一种话语，在这种话语中，他们自己的杂志被打上了特定的中国文化价值观的烙印，这些价值观与西方竞争的集体民族自豪感相对应。此外，人文主义精神作为一个口号缓和了唯物主义和消费主义的极端，这被视为起源于西方的概念。在他对“潮流工厂”的研究中，马云提出，中国不是被动地引进全球文化，而是积极地寻求“利用全球”，重塑自己的文化实践和生产与消费趋势（第249页）。趋势传媒集团利用其在中国的潜在消费市场获得自主权，并抵制赫斯特公司的一些政策。例如，《中国男性健康》经常被美国出版商称为“同性恋导向”。最明显的例子是2004年8月的那期杂志，著名的中国星星胡兵全身赤裸，涂满了油，对着镜头做着女性化的调情动作。204-205）。然而，更有可能的是，男性健康的隐藏议程是开放的，包括中国同性恋社区，而不是像美国版本那样简单地针对异性恋市场。除了中国政府和跨国公司的政策外，中国的潮流杂志市场也可能是无国界的，因为它仍在发展中。正如马云所说，在中国，潮流杂志并不符合“社会分层”或阶级划分，而是“调动社会变革的浮动标志和符号”（第200页）。中国时尚杂志的编辑和读者正在为跨越阶级、性别、年龄和民族的时尚消费创造新的可能性和流动性，因为对奢侈品牌的渴望和日常生活现实之间的自我认同存在差距。总的来说，马云的《趋势工厂：视觉民族志》对于那些想更多了解中国创意文化产业的人来说是一本很有价值的书。马云的研究有助于我们理解中国如何通过扮演世界工厂和世界最大消费市场之一的双重角色，以复杂的方式融入和消费全球趋势，这些角色充满了兴奋，模糊和不可预测性。
as the Western principle of fashion aesthetics is highly privileged (p. 247). However, it is understandable that the editors of Trends Media Group would seek to invent a discourse in which its own magazines are branded with specific Chinese cultural values that correspond to collective national pride in terms of competing with the West. Further, a humanist spirit as a slogan moderates the extremes of materialism and consumerism, which are seen as notions originating in the West. In his study of the “trends factory”, Ma proposes that China is not passively importing global culture, but is actively seeking to “exploit the global” and reinvent its own cultural practices and trends of production and consumption (p. 249). The Trends Media Group has taken advantage of its potential consumer markets in China to gain autonomous power and to resist some of the policies of the Hearst Corporation. For example, China’s Men’s Health was frequently held up by the US publisher as being “homosexual-oriented”. The most notable example of this supposed orientation is the August 2004 issue, in which the famous Chinese star Hu Bing appeared naked and covered with oil and making feminine and flirtatious gestures at the camera (pp. 204– 205). However, it is more likely that the hidden agenda of Men’s Health is open to including the Chinese gay community rather than simply targeting the heterosexual market, as the US version does. In addition to the policies of the Chinese state and transnational companies, China’s market for trend magazines may also be borderless, as it is still developing. As Ma argues, in China trend magazines do not conform to “social stratification” or class divisions, but “mobilize the floating signs and symbols of social change” (p. 200). The editors and readers of Chinese trend magazines are coopting and co-creating spaces for new possibilities and mobility in trend consumption that span class, gender, age, and nation, asmuch as the gaps in self-identity between the desire for luxurious brands and the reality of everyday life. Overall, Eric Ma’s Trends Factory: A Visual Ethnography is a valuable book for those who want to know more about the Chinese creative cultural industry. Ma’s research helps us to understand how China incorporates and consumes global trends in complicated ways by playing the dual roles of the world’s factory and one of the world’s biggest consumer markets, roles that are full of excitement, ambiguity, and unpredictability.