Generalized Minimality: Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism
Generalized Minimality: Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism
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DOI：
10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003
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发表时间：
2009-10-01
期刊：
影响因子：
1.1
通讯作者：
Grillo, Nino
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Grillo, Nino
阿格拉姆布洛卡的失语症患者在理解DP移过中间DP的句子时出现了特别的问题。在过去的30年里，对这一观察的性质的解释在神经语言学和心理语言学中发挥了核心作用。本文认为，这一模式可以用方位的相对化最小值方法来解释，这是一个自然的假设，即语法学在表征与范围-语篇相关的特征方面存在困难。从经验的角度来看，这种方法具有相当大的优势，从理论的角度来看，在概念上也是可取的。在这些优点中，据称可以更好地将这些事实与语法理解中其他众所周知的不对称性结合在一起，例如涉及约束的不对称性，以及涉及对其缺陷的加工和表征描述的模型。(C)2008 Elsevier B.V.，所有比赛已预订。
Agrammatic Broca's aphasics have been shown to have particular problems in comprehending sentences in which a DP has moved over an intervening DP. The explanation of the nature of this observation has played a central role in neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics in the last 30 years. This paper proposes that this pattern can be explained by the Relativized Minimality approach to locality given the natural assumption that agrammatics have trouble with the representation of scope-discourse related features. This approach presents considerable advantages from an empirical perspective and is conceptually desirable from a theoretical perspective. Among the advantages, it is claimed to allow a better integration of these facts with other well-known asymmetries in agrammatic comprehension, such as those involving binding, and models that relate processing and representational accounts of their deficits. (C) 2008 Elsevier B.V. All fights reserved.