Mandarin hen and Universal Markedness in gradable adjectives
Mandarin hen and Universal Markedness in gradable adjectives
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可分级形容词中的普通话母鸡和普遍标记
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发表时间：
2012
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通讯作者：
Thomas Grano
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作者：
Thomas Grano
在某些情况下，普通话中的等级形容词必须与明显的程度形态（最中性的，然后是“非常”）同时出现，才能得到肯定的解释；否则，结果是比较解释。本文认为这种现象是两个因素相互作用的结果：(1)一般来说，比较语义是由句法中的（可能隐蔽的）语素提供的，而肯定语义是由句法中不投射的类型转换规则提供的；(2)T[+V]约束：在普通话中，T的直接补语（意思）必须是动词的（扩展投射）或原则上可以与动词结合的功能语素（扩展投射）。因此，表面上对T的形容词补语可能会投射一个空比较语素以满足T[+V]，但肯定语义被排除在外，因为它不影响谓词的AP范畴状态，因此不满足T[+V]。语义上漂白的程度副词hen可以用来以一种满足T[+V]的方式近似肯定语义。这一建议对裸形容词获得积极解释的条件做出了正确的预测，即当其他功能元素介入T和AP之间时，以及当T没有被投射时。该建议的一个重要结果是，尽管表面上如此，普通话并没有反例说明比较物是积极/比较对立的标记成员的普遍概括；相反，它的正确分析实际上取决于比较级形式形容词包含额外结构的观点。
Under some conditions, gradable adjectives in Mandarin must co-occur with overt degree morphology (most neutrally, hen ‘very’) for positive interpretation; otherwise, a comparative interpretation results. This paper argues that this phenomenon is the consequence of two interacting factors: (1) Universally, whereas comparative semantics is provided by a (possibly covert) morpheme in syntax, positive semantics is provided by a type-shifting rule that does not project in syntax, and (2) The T[+V] constraint: in Mandarin, the direct complement to T(ense) must either be (an extended projection of) a verb or a functional morpheme that can in principle combine with (an extended projection of) a verb. Consequently, a superficially bare adjectival complement to T may project a null comparative morpheme in order to satisfy T[+V], but positive semantics is ruled out because it does not affect the AP categorial status of the predicate and hence does not satisfy T[+V]. The semantically bleached degree adverb hen can be used instead to approximate positive semantics in a way that satisfies T[+V]. This proposal makes the right predictions about the conditions under which bare adjectives do receive a positive interpretation, namely, when other functional elements intervene between T and AP, and when T is not projected. An important consequence of the proposal is that despite surface appearances, Mandarin does not counterexemplify the universal generalization that comparatives are the marked member of the positive/comparative opposition; on the contrary, its proper analysis actually depends on the idea that comparative-form adjectives involve extra structure.