Korean Intonational Phonology and Prosodic Transcription
Korean Intonational Phonology and Prosodic Transcription
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韩语语调音韵学和韵律转录
DOI:
10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249633.003.0008
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发表时间:
2005
期刊:
影响因子:
--
通讯作者:
Sun
中科院分区:
文献类型:
--
作者:
Sun
This chapter presents an overview of Korean intonational structure and the most updated version of K-ToBI (Korean Tones and Break Indices) transcription conventions. Korean in this paper refers to Seoul Korean, the standard dialect of Korean. Korean differs from other languages described in this book in that it has neither lexical pitch accent nor lexical stress. Some dialects of Korean such as the Kyungsang dialect have lexical pitch accent as in Tokyo Japanese, but most other dialects including Seoul Korean do not. Though researchers agree that Seoul Korean does not have lexical stress, it is controversial whether Korean has ®xed stress at the word level or phrasal stress. Some believe that Korean has word level stress and that it is sensitive to syllable weight (H. see Lim 2001 for a review); i.e., a word-initial heavy syllable is stressed, and if the ®rst syllable is not heavy, the second syllable is stressed. Thus, according to this view, stress falls on the initial, i.e., ®rst or second, syllable of a word regardless of the word length. Here, `heavy' is de®ned as a closed (CVC) or long syllable and is claimed to be acoustically realized with a longer duration. However, production and perception studies of stress in Korean (Jun 1995a; Lim 2001) suggest that the perception of stress on the word-initial syllable is due to the intonation pattern of Korean. Jun (1995a) showed that the so-called`stressed' syllables are always realized with the fundamental frequency (f0) peak when the word is uttered in isolation. When the same word was uttered in utterance-medial position, thèstressed' syllable of the word showed high f0 only when the word was placed at Accentual Phrase-initial position (see Section 8.2.2 for the de®nition of an Accentual Phrase). The perception test reported in Jun (1995a) showed that subjects (seventeen English, two Chinese, one French, one Italian, and one Japanese) perceived