Surprise-predicates, strong exhaustivity and alternative questions
Surprise-predicates, strong exhaustivity and alternative questions
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惊喜谓语、强详尽性和替代问题
DOI：
10.3765/salt.v25i0.3081
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发表时间：
2015
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Maribel Romero
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Maribel Romero
事实情感动词如surprise和disappoint不允许对wh疑问句进行非常详尽的阅读，也不嵌入替代疑问句（也不嵌入极性疑问句）（Guerzoni & Sharvit 2007; Lahiri 1991; a.o.）。本文开发了一个新的帐户，这种相关性，利用的性质，到目前为止被忽视的问题的文献：他们的焦点敏感性。这些动词被视为程度结构，其中比较项-选择的问题答案类型-必须是由焦点形成的比较类C的成员。wh-问题的强穷举答案与比较类不匹配，因此被排除。选择性问题不能产生一个合适的C都强和弱详尽的答案，因此，完全不允许。
Factive emotive verbs like surprise and disappoint disallow the strongly exhaustive reading of wh-questions and do not embed alternative questions (nor polar questions) (Guerzoni & Sharvit 2007; Lahiri 1991; a.o.). This paper develops a novel account of this correlation by exploiting a property of surprise-type verbs so-far overlooked in the question literature: their focus-sensitivity. These verbs are treated as degree constructions where the comparison term –the selected type of answer to the question– must be a member of the comparison class C shaped by focus. Strongly exhaustive answers of wh-questions do not match the comparison class and are thus ruled out. Alternative questions fail to produce a suitable C both for strongly and for weakly exhaustive answers and are, hence, entirely disallowed.