Downstep and high raising: interacting factors in Yoruba tone production
Downstep and high raising: interacting factors in Yoruba tone production
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降音和升音：约鲁巴语音调产生中的相互作用因素
DOI：
10.1016/s0095-4470(02)00098-0
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发表时间：
2003
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
G. Clements
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
Y. Laniran;G. Clements
本研究考察了约鲁巴语声调产生的交互作用因素。约鲁巴语是一种具有高(H)、中(M)和低(L)三个声调水平的声调语言。它的主要目标是确认降级的存在，这是一种导致被L声调隔开的连续H声在音高上降级的原理，并考察降级和H调之间的相互作用，这是一种在L声调之前将H调提高到超高值的原理。对四个说话者的数据进行受控比较后发现，这两个原则都适用于满足条件的H音。作为H升高的结果，HLHLH…形式的降级序列中的第一个H声调远高于其预期值，而以下降低的H音调不会下降到为M音调保留的频带。这项研究还考察了在较长的降步序列中用于节省基音空间的策略。所有说话者使用的主要策略是重置H音调；然而，一些说话者也被发现将初始H音调提高到超高的值，因为预计四个音节之外会出现音调下降。约鲁巴语声调产生的其他相互作用因素包括在背景中进行的特定声调的下降(“下移”)以及从H声调到下一个L声调的局部同化。这些不同的观察结果支持了声调产生的构图模型，在该模型中，相互竞争的因素最终产生单个声调，从而产生有功能动机的“折衷”模式。
This study examines interacting factors in tone production in Yoruba, a tone language with three tone levels, high (H), mid (M), and low (L). Its primary goals are to confirm the existence of downstep, a principle which causes successive H tones separated by L tones to step down in pitch, and to examine the interaction between downstep and H tone raising, a principle which raises H tones to extra-high values before L tones. Controlled comparisons of data from four speakers reveal that both of these principles apply to H tones satisfying their conditions. As a result of H raising, the first H tone in downstepping sequences of the form HLHLH… is raised well above its expected value, while the following downstepped H tones are kept from descending into the frequency band reserved for M tones. This study also examines the strategies used for economizing pitch space in longer downstepping sequences. The main strategy used by all speakers is H tone resetting; however, some speakers are also found to raise initial H tones to extra-high values in anticipation of downsteps occurring four syllables away. Other interacting factors in Yoruba tone production include tone-specific declination (“downdrift”) operating in the background and local carry-over assimilation from a H tone to the following L tone. These various observations support a compositional model of tone production in which competing factors culminate on individual tones to produce functionally motivated “compromise” f0patterns.