The Translocation of Culture: ‘Community Cohesion’ and the Force of Multiculturalism in History1
The Translocation of Culture: ‘Community Cohesion’ and the Force of Multiculturalism in History1
复制标题
文化的易位：“社区凝聚力”和历史上多元文化主义的力量1
DOI：
10.1111/j.1467-954x.2005.00594.x
复制
发表时间：
2005
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
P. Werbner
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
P. Werbner
罗纳德·弗兰肯伯格在威尔士边境村庄的作品中展示了从足球到狂欢节的文化表演如何赋予当地演员代理权并框定当地冲突。本文扩展了这些主题。它回应了政治家和政策制定者对“社区凝聚力”的呼唤，谴责了英国北方城镇南亚年轻人骚乱后社区领导的失败。针对他们对自我隔离孤立主义的批评，文章追溯了巴基斯坦移民和定居英国的历史过程，认为跨国移民的错位和重新定位产生了两个文化悖论。第一，为了在一个新的国家扎根，现代世界的跨国移徙者开始是在文化和社会上与其他国家隔离。他们形成了封闭的“社区”。第二，在这样的社区中，文化可以被认为是冲突的、开放的、混合的和流动的，尽管如此，它仍然具有情感和道德上的强制力。我认为，这源于这样一个事实，即文化体现在仪式、社会交换和表演中，赋予不同的社会行为者-宗教和世俗、男子、妇女和青年-权力。因此，反对捍卫者和批评者的多元文化主义作为一种政治和哲学理论的社会正义，文章的最后一部分认为，需要理论化的历史多元文化主义。根据这种观点，多元文化公民身份不应被自由主义或社会主义的普遍哲学原则所固定，而应被理解为一种变化的、对话的、创造性的、回应性的、协商的政治秩序。英国穆斯林在当地种族主义和世界国际危机的背景下为获得承认而进行的斗争证实了这一过程。
In his work on a Welsh border village, Ronald Frankenberg showed how cultural performances, from football to carnival, conferred agency on local actors and framed local conflicts. The present article extends these themes. It responds to invocations of ‘community cohesion’ by politicians and policy makers, decrying the failure of communal leadership following riots by young South Asians in northern British towns. Against their critique of self-segregating isolationism, the article traces the historical process of Pakistani migration and settlement in Britain, to argue that the dislocations and relocations of transnational migration generate two paradoxes of culture. The first is that in order to sink roots in a new country, transnational migrants in the modern world begin by setting themselves culturally and socially apart. They form encapsulated ‘communities’. Second, that within such communities culture can be conceived of as conflictual, open, hybridising and fluid, while nevertheless having a sentimental and morally compelling force. This stems from the fact, I propose, that culture is embodied in ritual, in social exchange and in performance, conferring agency and empowering different social actors: religious and secular, men, women and youth. Hence, against both defenders and critics of multiculturalism as a political and philosophical theory of social justice, the final part of the article argues for the need to theorise multiculturalism in history. In this view, rather than being fixed by liberal or socialist universal philosophical principles, multicultural citizenship must be grasped as changing and dialogical, inventive and responsive, a negotiated political order. The British Muslim diasporic struggle for recognition in the context of local racism and world international crises exemplifies this process.