Violence and the Vernacular: Conflict, Commemoration, and Rebuilding in the Urban Context
Violence and the Vernacular: Conflict, Commemoration, and Rebuilding in the Urban Context
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暴力与方言：城市环境中的冲突、纪念与重建
DOI：
10.1353/bdl.2011.0032
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发表时间：
2011
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
Catherine Switzer
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Sara Mcdowell;Catherine Switzer
北爱尔兰的麻烦将日常景观变成了类似于战场的地方。上述摘录自麦克利亚姆·威尔逊的小说《尤里卡街》，捕捉到了外部观察者如何看待该地区特定区域的一些情况。然而，即使暴力事件发生，这些地区仍然是成千上万人日常生活的场所。本文的首要目的是勾勒出日常乡土景观从冲突时期到冲突后的近期历史的历程。斯坦格尔认为，乡土景观的存在是为了提供“一系列复杂的空间形式来支持日常生活和世界，并以生活经验和表现形式作为配角。”显然，在武装冲突时期，暴力成为日常生活的一部分，并在日常生活中上演。然而，在冲突后局势中，代表问题可能至关重要，使方言成为另一种冲突的场所。我们以德里的博格赛德为例，探讨暴力和冲突后的纪念过程如何与特定的城市景观相互作用。北爱尔兰城市中心居住空间的隔离性质使其成为与该地区的纪念文化相关的有用方法；正如道森所观察到的，“地方差异……意味着必须仔细关注战争过程中形成的文化记忆的位置。”无论发生在哪里，纪念活动往往是一种党派做法，充满了“公开表达的记忆”和“那些被私有化、支离破碎或压抑的记忆”。在北爱尔兰尤其如此，那里纪念景观的碎片化反映了一个深刻分裂的社会。尽管北爱尔兰各地有大约五百座纪念三千五百名动乱受害者的实体纪念碑，但很少有集体纪念死者的。相反，它们是由各种组织建立的，例如准军事团体以及警察和武装部队内的单位，每个组织的目的都是纪念自己的死者。纪念所有麻烦受害者的努力一直充满争议，无论他们的背景或死亡情况如何。博格赛德是北爱尔兰最著名的地区之一，因音乐和电影而闻名（或臭名昭著）。动乱前夕，博格赛德是该市经济最贫困的行政区之一，由于州和地方政府数十年的歧视，失业率很高，住房短缺。它是一个紧密结合的天主教民族主义社区的所在地，由密切的家庭关系和共同的背景、阶级和宗教信仰联系在一起，拥有高水平的社会资本。 20 世纪 60 年代末和早期 萨拉·麦克道尔 (Sara Mcdowell) 和凯瑟琳·史维策 (Catherine Switzer)
The Northern Ireland Troubles transformed every day landscapes into places akin to battlefields. The above excerpt from McLiam Wilson’s novel Eureka Street captures something of how external observers perceived particular areas in the region. Yet even as the violence took place, these same areas were the venue for thousands of everyday lives. The overarching aim of this paper is to sketch the journey of an everyday vernacu lar landscape through a time of conflict to its more recent history in that conflict’s aftermath. Vernacular landscapes exist, argues Stangl, to provide a “complex array of spatial forms to support everyday life and the world, with lived experience and representation in a supporting role.” Clearly, in times of armed conflict, violence becomes part of everyday life and plays out across everyday landscapes. However, in postconflict situations the issue of representation can be crucial, making the vernacular a venue for conflict of another kind. Using the example of the Bogside in Derry as our case study, we explore how violence and the postconflict process of commemoration have interacted with a specific urban landscape. The segregated nature of residential space in Northern Ireland’s urban centers makes this a useful approach to take in relation to the region’s commemorative culture; as Dawson observes, “local variability . . . mean[s] that careful attention must be paid to the locatedness of cultural memories formed in the course of the war.” Wherever it takes place, commemoration is often a partisan practice, replete with “memories which are publicly articulated” and “those which have been privatized, fragmented, or repressed.” This is particularly true in Northern Ireland, where the fragmented nature of the memorial landscape reflects a deeply divided society. Although some five hundred physical memorials to the thirtyfive hundred victims of the Troubles exist throughout Northern Ireland, very few commemorate the dead collectively. Instead they are erected by a variety of organizations, such as paramilitary groups and units within the police and armed forces, each with the intention of commemorating their own dead. Efforts to commemorate all Troubles victims, regardless of their backgrounds or the circumstances surrounding their deaths, have been fraught with controversy. The Bogside is one of the most wellknown districts of Northern Ireland, made famous— or infamous— in music and on film. On the eve of the Troubles, the Bogside was one of the most economically deprived wards in the city, with high unemployment levels and housing shortages stemming from decades of state and local government discrimination. Home to a tightly knit Catholic nationalist community, bound by close family ties and a commonality of background, class, and religious affiliation, it possessed high levels of social capital. In the late 1960s and early sara mcdowell and catherine switzer