Null subjects, expletives and locatives in Sardinian
Null subjects, expletives and locatives in Sardinian
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撒丁语中的空主语、咒骂语和方格词
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发表时间：
2009
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通讯作者：
E. Remberger
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作者：
E. Remberger
如果我们看一下咒骂主语的子类型，比如斯维诺纽斯（Svenonius，2002：5）为英语所确定的，我们会看到它们可以是代词，比如位置外的it或weather it，或者它们可以由一个方位格成分组成，比如非人称的there。特别是后者将是本文件关注的中心。本文的具体目的是描述、解释和分析撒丁岛语中涉及这种方位成分的“无主词”结构的两种亚型，即存在结构和带有不及物动词的表象非人称结构。本文将着重探讨处所成分在空主语和/或咒骂语中的地位和作用。第二节将详细讨论空的、显性的咒骂语和显性的方位词之间的关系，即使在撒丁岛语这样的空主语语言中也是如此。撒丁岛方言有着广泛的地域差异;然而，人们通常认为撒丁岛方言大致有两个主要的方言区，尽管这些方言区没有明确的定义，并且有几个过渡区。一个是在岛上北部的Logudorese;另一个是在南部的Campidanese。因此，撒丁岛语中的方位词或存在句有多种形式。在这里，我们只考虑附着方位词，对于洛古多雷斯语变体，可以是bi、bie / ikke、ke、nke、ank、inchi;对于坎皮达尼斯语变体，可以是iddhoi、ddhoi、ddhui、ddhue、ddhu / inci、ci、因斯、nce。然而，所有的变体都有空主语。在下面的内容中，我将主要使用bi的例子，其中大部分来自邮件列表Sa Limba（cf. Sa-Limba 1999-2007）。处所格或存在成分的出现用“”来修饰。然而，这并不意味着bi总是被解释为真正的方位格。这里讨论的所有例子都是thetic句子（参见。Sasse 1987）或所谓的表象从句，即没有谓语焦点，但有句子焦点的结构（Lambrecht 1994）。讨论中的数据在以下示例中给出：
If we look at subtypes of expletive subjects, as identified by Svenonius (2002:5) for English, for example, we see that they can be pronouns, as is the case for extrapositional it or weather it, or they can consist of a locative element, like impersonal there. It is the latter in particular that will be at the centre of interest in this paper. The specific aim of this paper is to describe, interpret and analyse two subtypes of “subjectless” constructions in Sardinian that involve such a locative element, namely existential constructions and presentational impersonal constructions with intransitives. The paper will focus on the status and role of the locative element with respect to null subjects and/or expletives. More details concerning the relation between empty and overt expletives and overt locatives even in a null subject language such as Sardinian will be discussed in section 2. Sardinian displays wide diatopic variation; nevertheless it is often stated that there are roughly two main dialect areas, although these are not clearly defined and have several transitional areas. One is Logudorese in the North of the island; the other is Campidanese in the South. Thus there is a variation of forms with respect to locatives or existentials in Sardinian. Here, only the clitic locatives will be considered, which can be bi, bie / ikke, ke, nke, ank, inchi, for the Logudorese varieties, and iddhoi, ddhoi, ddhui, ddhue, ddhu / inci, ci, ince, nce for the Campidanese varieties. All varieties, however, have null subjects. In what follows I shall principally use examples with bi, most of them stemming from the mailing list Sa Limba (cf. Sa-Limba 1999-2007). The occurrences of a locative or existential element are glossed with LOC. This, however, does not mean that bi always is to be interpreted as a true locative. All examples at issue here are thetic sentences (cf. Sasse 1987) or so-called presentational clauses, i.e. constructions that do not have predicate focus, but sentence focus (Lambrecht 1994). The data under discussion are given in the following examples: