Toxic Communities: Environmental Racism, Industrial Pollution, and Residential Mobility

Toxic Communities: Environmental Racism, Industrial Pollution, and Residential Mobility
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有毒社区:环境种族主义、工业污染和住宅流动性

DOI:
10.1111/cico.12092
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发表时间:
2015
期刊:
影响因子:
2.5
通讯作者:
Stella M. Čapek
Stella M. Čapek
中科院分区:
法学3区
文献类型:
--
作者:
Stella M. Čapek

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本杂志多期发表的许多文章证明,“地方”的概念受到社区和城市社会学家的极大关注。地点,与它的更松散、更模糊的表亲“空间”不同,往往被用作或接近于经验和地理上的特定位置,或作为分析概念和抽象。对特定物质场所的分析范围从小到大“第三场所”,如咖啡店、社区花园或运动场,从乡村城镇等小型定居点到大城市及其郊区腹地。它们的用途和人们赋予它们的含义也各不相同。人们只需阅读伊莱·安德森 (Eli Anderson) 参观费城日耳曼敦大道 (Germantown Avenue) 的作品,就能认识到一条街道所蕴含的不同含义。 “人和地方之间存在辩证关系,”赞德里亚·罗宾逊告诉我们。 “我们会影响我们生活的地方,而这些地方也会同时影响我们成为什么样的人以及我们的结果”(第 11 页)。在这句话中,罗宾逊有目的地结合了社会学家理解地方的两种方式,它作为读者的指南,在《这不是芝加哥:后灵魂中的种族、阶级和地区身份》的全文中引起共鸣。尽管她清楚地认识到孟菲斯是一个具有本土历史的物理地点,但她很快就超越了其空间和地理界限,探索流行文化和媒体对后灵魂黑人南方人的“身份工作”必然产生的跨地域影响。因此,地点在特定地点(例如她与受访者坐在一起的地点)和更广泛的地区概念之间波动。罗宾逊对区域的分析和实证使用不仅令人信服地要求将其添加到日益增多的交叉性词汇中,而且还要求我们将地点视为身份,作为“植根于历史现实、社会记忆和生活经验”的执行和完成的象征性文物(第196页)。因此,通过关注地区和“地区自我”,她展示了身份以及用于发展身份的实践和资源如何比其他物理或象征更容易跨越某些界限。她的受访者是南方人,而不是孟菲斯人。 “因为孟菲斯既不像达拉斯、夏洛特和亚特兰大那样吸引新南方,也不是一个联系紧密的南方乡村社区,所以它是研究城市和乡村文化相互作用的关键空间,这种相互作用巩固了南方黑人身份的表达”(第 25 页)。这种相互作用是本书的关键。以深刻和优雅的方式进行细致的解构,以揭示和揭露
Evidenced by many of the articles published throughout many of the issues of this journal, the notion of “place” is of considerable concern for community and urban sociologists. Place, not unlike its significantly looser and more nebulous cousin “space,” tends to be used or approached either as an empirically and geographically specific location or as an analytic concept and abstraction. Analyses of particular material places have ranged from small or large “third places” like a coffee shop, community garden, or sports arena and have ranged from small settlements like rural towns to grand cities and their suburban hinterlands. They also range in regard to the uses and meanings people give to them. One needs only to read Eli Anderson’s tour of Germantown Avenue in Philadelphia to recognize the divergent meanings a single street can hold. “People and places have a dialectical relationship,” Zandria Robinson tells us. “[W]e influence the places where we live out our lives, and those places, in tandem, influence who we become and our outcomes” (p. 11). In this statement, which acts as a guide for the reader as it resonates through the entirety of This Ain’t Chicago: Race, Class, and Regional Identity in the Post-Soul, Robinson purposefully combines the two ways place has been understood by sociologists. Though she clearly recognizes Memphis as a physical location with its vernacular history, she quickly moves beyond its spatial and geographic boundaries to explore the necessarily translocal influences of popular culture and media on the “identity work” of post-soul black southerners. Place, then, fluctuates between specific localities like those she sat in with interviewees and the farther reaching notion of region. Robinson’s analytical and empirical use of region not only persuasively demands it be added to the increasing lexicon of intersectionality, but begs us to think of place, like identities, as performed and accomplished symbolic artifacts “rooted in the realities of history, social memory, and lived experience” (p. 196). As such, by focusing on region and “regional selves,” she shows how identities, and the practices and resources used to develop them, can cross some boundaries more easily than others, physical or symbolic. Her respondents are southerners, not Memphians. “Because Memphis is neither a New South magnet, like Dallas, Charlotte, and Atlanta, nor a close-knit rural southern community, it is a key space in which to examine the interplay of urban and rural culture that undergird articulations of black southern identity” (p. 25). This interplay is the crux of the book; minutely deconstructed with profundity and grace to uncover and expose the