Ten Years After the Soviet Breakup: The Primacy of History and Culture
Ten Years After the Soviet Breakup: The Primacy of History and Culture
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苏联解体十年后:历史和文化的首要地位
DOI:
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发表时间:
2001
期刊:
影响因子:
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通讯作者:
Z. Brzezinski
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作者:
Z. Brzezinski
When speaking of the plight of democracy in the lands that once made up the Soviet Union, we must remember that we are talking about 15 different states, and that no common answer will cover all of them. That said, I think we can sort these states into three basic categories. In the first category are the most advanced countries, clearly on their way to becoming stable and secure democracies. These include the three Baltic republics of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, which have become increasingly difficult to think of as belonging to the same political context as the other former Soviet republics. The elements of culture and history mark these three as fundamentally different from the others. Turning to the remaining dozen, we may say that nine are countries where democracy exists only nominally or as a slogan that the local rulers reluctantly feel they must mouth, given their economic and financial dependence on the West and its sensibilities. To this class belong the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan) plus Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, and Belarus. In between these nine essentially nondemocratic states and the democratic group comprising the three Baltic states, we find the third and most ambiguous category, which contains Ukraine, probably Georgia, and Russia itself. Theirs are unstable authoritarian and yet also semi-anarchic political systems, in which democratic institutions operate at some levels but are absent at others. In these countries, the movement toward democracy on a societal level must contend with counterpressures Zbigniew Brzezinski, U.S. national security advisor during the Carter administration, is professor of U.S. foreign policy at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and counselor to the Center for Strategic and International Studies. This essay is based on an interview he gave to the Journal of Democracy on 9 July 2001.