Book Review: Genpatsu jiko to 'shoku'
Book Review: Genpatsu jiko to 'shoku'
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书评：Genpatsu jiko to shoku
DOI：
10.1093/ssjj/jyac008
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发表时间：
2022
影响因子：
1.1
通讯作者：
Stephanie Assmann
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
萱島知子;鶴永陽子;海野美月;海切弘子;柴田紗知;松原主典;Stephanie Assmann
2021年3月11日，日本迎来了东日本大地震十周年。这一事件的庄严纪念是一个及时的机会来讨论这本书Genpatsu jiko 'shoku'：Shijō，komyunikeeshon，sabetsu，由Igarashi Yasumasa于2018年出版。五十岚是一位社会学家，出生在柏市，这是一个郊区小镇，位于千叶县，距离东京市中心30分钟路程，以种植萝卜而闻名。柏市变成了一个放射性热点，这导致作者参与了一个由农民、消费者、餐馆老板和批发商组成的当地工作组，他们担心镇上的食品安全（3-7）。在这一过程中，他扮演了积极参与当地社会的角色，同时也是一名研究者，他离开了自己的出生地，研究了受灾县福岛、茨木、群马、千叶、栃木的食品对经济和社会的影响。本书分为五章，并附有引言和后记。正如书名所示，五十岚从经济、风险沟通和歧视的角度审视了核灾难对食品的影响。作者确定了需要解决的四项任务：（a）科学风险评估;（B）核灾难责任评估;（c）包括第一产业在内的经济复兴;（d）能源政策的使用（8，131）。在第一章中，作者追溯了“有害谣言”是如何影响各种食品的，如黄瓜、绿豆、大米和鲣鱼。虽然是一名社会学家，但五十岚在分析“有害谣言”对不同食物群体的影响时，强调了经济学的观点。“有害谣言”（fhyōhigai）一词成为核灾难后的关键词。该术语的主要定义是当遭受灾害或环境污染的人们避免与受损地区相关的食品，商品或土地时发生的经济损失，导致价格下降或经济交易停止。这种经济损失可能会损害农业、渔业、纪念品业和食品加工等食品相关行业的工作;还可能对旅游和观光业造成损失（Sekiya 2011：25）。这种“有害谣言”的传播不仅导致消费者避免购买来自灾区的食品，而且还暴露了对灾区居民，特别是食品生产者的歧视性做法，并突出表明消费者和生产者之间需要进行风险沟通和提高沟通的透明度。许多学者都讨论过“fanghyo higai”现象。在她的工作辐射脑妈妈和公民科学家，社会学家Aya Hirata Kimura批判性地讨论了“fathyyo higai”作为一个
On 11 March 2021, Japan marked the tenth anniversary of the Great East Japan Earthquake. The solemn commemoration of this event is a timely occasion to discuss the book Genpatsu jiko to ‘shoku’: Shijō, komyunikeeshon, sabetsu, published in 2018 by Igarashi Yasumasa. Igarashi, a sociologist, was born in Kashiwashi, a suburban town located in Chiba prefecture 30 minutes from the centre of Tokyo and well known as an agricultural site for the cultivation of turnips. Kashiwashi turned into a radioactive hot spot, which led the author to become involved in a local task group in his hometown consisting of farmers, consumers, restaurateurs, and wholesalers concerned about the safety of the food in their town (3–7). In doing so, he assumed the dual role of an active member of the local community and a researcher who departed from his birthplace to study the economic and social impacts of the disaster on food from the disaster-affected prefectures of Fukushima, Ibaraki, Gunma, Chiba, and Tochigi.The book is divided into five chapters and augmented by an introduction and an afterword. As the title indicates, Igarashi examines the effects of the nuclear disaster on food from the dimensions of the economy, risk communication, and discrimination. The author has identified four tasks that need to be addressed:(a) assessment of scientific risks;(b) assessment of responsibility for the nuclear disaster;(c) economic revival including the primary industries; and (d) use of energy policies (8, 131). In the first chapter, the author traces how ‘harmful rumours’ have affected various food products such as cucumbers, ingen beans, rice, and bonito. Although a sociologist, Igarashi emphasises an economic perspective in his analysis of the effect of ‘harmful rumours’ on different food groups. The term ‘harmful rumour’(fūhyō higai) became a key phrase in the aftermath of the nuclear disaster. The term can be primarily defined as economic damage that occurs when people who are exposed to a disaster or environmental pollution avoid food products, commodities, or land associated with the damaged area, leading to a price decline or a halt of economic transactions. Such economic damage may impair the work of food-related industries such as farming, fisheries, the souvenir industry, and food-processing; it may also take a toll on travel and sightseeing businesses (Sekiya 2011: 25). The spread of such ‘harmful rumours’ has not only caused consumers to avoid the purchase of food products from the disaster zones but has also revealed discriminatory practices against residents in the disaster areas, in particular food producers, and has highlighted the need for risk communication and greater transparency in communication between consumers and producers. Various scholars have discussed the phenomenon of ‘fūhyō higai’. In her work Radiation Brain Moms and Citizen Scientists, sociologist Aya Hirata Kimura critically discussed ‘fūhyō higai’as a