India and the Indian Ocean region
India and the Indian Ocean region
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DOI：
10.1080/19480881.2016.1227516
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发表时间：
2016-07
影响因子：
1.2
通讯作者：
S. Khorana;L. Choukroune
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
S. Khorana;L. Choukroune
国际关系正处于一个动态的过渡状态，一个自信的中国的出现，印度和美国（美国）正在成为印度洋地区（IOR）的主要参与者。中国日益增长的地缘政治影响力（在所谓的珍珠链理论中发展起来的）和在南中国海的自信，再加上美国旨在加强该地区业务一体化的政策，导致印度重新调整并概述了其战略愿景在总理纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）领导下，在IOR中发挥重要作用。这期《印度洋区域》特刊充实了这一主题和该地区其他相关的热点问题，特别关注中国、印度和美国这三大支柱之间日益增长的相互作用，这三大支柱在印度洋区域地缘政治的重新配置中发挥着越来越重要的作用。2016年7月12日，由于海牙常设仲裁法院作出有利于菲律宾的具有里程碑意义的裁决，北京在南中国海的领土野心遭受重大打击。这一决定的相关性是响亮的，因为IOR是一个高度战略性的水道，渔业资源丰富，潜在的石油和其他能源，这使得它成为世界上最令人垂涎的国家之一，至少有六个沿海国家（文莱，中国，马来西亚，菲律宾，台湾和越南）对南沙群岛提出了竞争性的要求。然而，北京仍然是这场冲突的主要参与者，因为它声称对所有岛屿，小岛，岩石，沙洲或浅滩拥有主权，这些岛屿，小岛，岩石，沙洲或浅滩分散在一个著名的U形曲线所包围的区域内，该曲线被认为包括事实上，从头开始，该国的“自然延伸”。该地区的战略重要性可以追溯到中国签署《联合国海洋法公约》（UNCLOS）的时候，该公约经过九年的谈判于1982年12月10日在蒙特哥湾通过，并在生效两年后于1996年批准。北京在批准时所作的声明并非毫无意义，它指出，
International relations are in a state of dynamic transition, with the emergence of an assertive China, growing India and the United States (US) as main players in the Indian Ocean region (IOR). China’s increasing geopolitical influence (developed in the so-called String of Pearls theory) and assertiveness in the South China Seas, complemented by the US policy aimed at enhancing operational integration in the region has led India to realign and outline its strategic vision under Prime Minister Narendra Modi to play a significant role in the IOR. This Special Issue of JIOR fleshes out this theme and other related topical issues in the region, focussing in particular on the growing interplay between China, India and the US – the three pillars – that play an increasingly important role in the reconfiguration of geopolitics in the IOR. The evolving strategic importance of India Ocean (IO) has been in focus recently when, on 12 July 2016, Beijing’s territorial ambitions in the South China Sea suffered a major blow as a result of a landmark decision of the Hague Permanent Court of the Arbitration in favour of the Philippines. The relevance of this decision is resounding in that the IOR is a highly strategic waterway rich in fishery resources, and potentially oil and other energies, which makes it among one of the most coveted in the world with no less than six coastal states (Brunei, China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam) having made competing claims on the Spratly Islands. Beijing, however, remains the main actor of this conflict since it claims sovereignty over all the islands, islets, rocks, sand banks or shoals dispersed in an area bounded by a famous U-shape curve that is deemed to include ipso facto, and ab initio, the ‘natural prolongation’ of the country. The strategic importance of the region can be traced to when China signed the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and adopted at Montego Bay on 10 December 1982 after nine years of negotiations, and ratified in 1996 two years after its entry into force. The Declaration made by Beijing at the time of ratification is not without interest and states that