White Voters, Black Schools: Structuring Racial Choices with a Checklist Ballot
White Voters, Black Schools: Structuring Racial Choices with a Checklist Ballot
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白人选民，黑人学校：通过清单选票构建种族选择
DOI：
10.2307/3088413
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发表时间：
2002
影响因子：
4.2
通讯作者：
James M Glaser
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
James M Glaser
资源的阳离子。这项研究展示了选举装置如何帮助克服因争夺资源而产生的种族敌意，即使在南方腹地也是如此。根据威廉·瑞克的说法，赫赛特是一门从战略上构建选举过程以“操纵”选举结果的艺术。正如他所写的，“局内人的诱因不仅仅是修辞上的吸引力。他们通常会赢，因为他们以一种其他人想要加入他们的方式来建立局面？或者会感觉到环境迫使他们加入他们？甚至根本没有任何说服。这就是赫芬顿美学的意义：构建世界，让你能够获胜。”(1986，ix)。赖克提供了十几个真实世界的例子，说明了异端邪说是如何操纵的？Ttion是有效的，大多数涉及立法政治以及Sawy立法者制定的规则如何影响他们的同龄人。但令人惊讶的是，他的前夫中没有一个？例子来自群众层面的选举，这些选举不那么容易被操纵，部分原因是规则的流动性要小得多。哲学的基本逻辑应该适用于大众投票，其他政治学家已经证明，在不同的背景下，投票的形式可以影响投票的方式。候选人在选票上出现的顺序(Taebel 1975；Miller和Krosnick 1998)，用一个记号投票政党路线的能力(Hamilton And Ladd1996)，以及选票是按党派栏还是按办公区组织(Walker 1966)等问题都会影响人们的投票方式。就像佛罗里达州的一些官员在2000年大选后了解到的那样，即使是像候选人是排在一列还是两列这样简单的事情，也会影响结果，即使只是偶然的。关于选票表格的文献值得注意的是，调查结果非常有说服力。选票形式似乎在那些最不受政治约束、最容易受到操纵的人中影响最大。此外，政治科幻？整体主义者已经表明，选票形式的影响在信息含量较低的情况下最为明显，因为在这种情况下，无法获得政党身份和在任等常见线索：无党派选举、政党初选、开放席位选举、多人立法选举，以及选票底部的竞选。米勒和克罗斯尼克总结了他们的发现
cation of resources. This study shows how an electoral device can help overcome racial hostility generated by competition over resources, even in the Deep South. Heresthetic, according to William Riker, is the art of strategically structuring electoral processes in order to "manipulate" outcomes. As he writes, "[W]inners induce by more than rhetorical attractions. Typically they win because they have set up the situation in such a way that other people will want to join them?or will feel forced by circumstances to join them?even without any persuasion at all. And this is what heresthetic is about: structuring the world so you can win" (1986, ix). Riker offers a dozen real-world examples of how heresthetical manipula? tion works, most involving legislative politics and how rules devised by sawy legislators influence their peers. But it is striking that none of his ex? amples come from elections at the mass-level, which are not so easily manipulated, in part because the rules are so much less fluid. The basic logic of heresthetic should apply to mass voting, and other political scientists have shown, in different contexts, that the form that a ballot takes can influence how votes are cast. Such things as the order in which candidates appear on a ballot (Taebel 1975; Miller and Krosnick 1998), the ability to vote party line with a single mark (Hamilton and Ladd 1996), and whether a ballot is organized by party column or office blocks (Walker 1966) can affect how people vote. Even something as simple as whether candidates are lined up in one column or two, as some Florida officials learned after the 2000 election, can affect outcomes, if only by accident. Notable about the literature on ballot forms is that the findings are so qualified. Ballot form appears to have its biggest impact among those least politically anchored and most easily manipulated. Moreover, political sci? entists have shown that the effect of ballot form is most pronounced in low-information situations where the usual cues, like party identification and incumbency, are unavailable: nonpartisan elections, party primaries, open seat elections, multi-member legislative elections, and races at the bottom of the ballot. As Miller and Krosnick summarize their findings