There’s no tone in Cologne: against tone-segment interactions in Franconian.
There’s no tone in Cologne: against tone-segment interactions in Franconian.
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科隆语中没有声调：这与法兰克语中的声调互动相反。
DOI：
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发表时间：
2017
期刊：
影响因子：
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通讯作者：
Wolfgang Kehrein
中科院分区：
文献类型：
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作者：
Wolfgang Kehrein
中央和低弗兰肯方言似乎提供了反证所谓的普遍性未经证实的相关性（a）音调和postvocalic voicing，（B）音调和元音高度。我认为，这些情况都不是真实的反例，因为与文献中的标准分析相反，弗兰肯方言没有词汇音调。我建议对比是基于脚结构，而不是：所谓的口音1是一个“真正的”moraic trochee，即一个单一的重音节与第一个莫拉重音;和口音2是一个音节trochee。我讨论当代弗兰肯方言以及对比的历史起源（“accentogenesis”），并显示如何明显的段音的相互作用，从韵律的变化，几乎没有做辅音发声，没有元音的高度-更不用说语气。
Central and Low Franconian dialects seem to provide counterevidence to alleged universals of unattested correlations of (a) tone and postvocalic voicing, and (b) tone and vowel height. I argue that none of these cases are real counterexamples because contrary to standard analyses in the literature Franconian dialects do not have lexical tones. I propose the contrast to be based on foot structure instead: so called accent 1 is a “true” moraic trochee, i.e. a single heavy syllable with stress on the first mora; and accent 2 is a syllabic trochee. I discuss contemporary Franconian dialects as well as the historical origin of the contrast (“accentogenesis”) and show how the apparent segment-tone interactions developed from prosodic changes that have little to do with consonant voicing and nothing with vowel height – let alone tone.