Satisfying the subject criterion by a non subject: English locative inversion and heavy NP shift
Satisfying the subject criterion by a non subject: English locative inversion and heavy NP shift
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非主语满足主语标准：英语方位倒装和重 NP 移位
DOI：
10.1515/9783110197723.5.341
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发表时间：
2006
期刊：
影响因子：
--
通讯作者：
U. Shlonsky
中科院分区：
文献类型：
--
作者：
L. Rizzi;U. Shlonsky
本文将Rizzi(2003)和Rizzi和ShLonsky(2006)对小句主语的研究扩展到英语处所倒装结构，即处所PP似乎扮演着类似主语的角色，但在其他方面与常规主语DP保持不同。第二节以Stowell(1981)的分析为基础，介绍了方位倒装的显著特征。第三节从间接满足主语标准的角度对方位倒装进行分析。第四节讨论倒置方位词的一个常见的主语性质，即它们对踪迹效应的敏感性。第五节简要讨论了具有真正主语性质的各种小句首位处所PPS。第六节以Culicover和Levine(2001)的工作为基础，讨论了方位倒置和大量NP移位之间的关系。第七节试图解释为什么方位倒装不能反哺提升，而第八节是结论。
This paper extends the approach to clausal subjects of Rizzi (2003) and Rizzi and Shlonsky (2006) to English Locative Inversion, a construction in which a locative PP seems to play a subject-like role, while remaining distinct in other respects from regular subject DP’s. Section 1 summarizes the framework based on the Subject Criterion. Section 2 presents the salient properties of Locative Inversion, building on Stowell’s (1981) analysis. Section 3 motivates the analysis of Locative Inversion in terms of indirect satisfaction of the Subject Criterion. Section 4 discusses one familiar subject-like property of inverted locatives, namely, their sensitivity to thattrace effects. Section 5 briefly discusses a variety of clause-initial locative PPs with genuine subject properties. Section 6 takes up the relationship between Locative Inversion and Heavy NP Shift, building on work by Culicover & Levine (2001). Section 7 tries to explain why locative inversion may not feed Raising and Section 8 is the conclusion.